Documentation

Linglib.Studies.AlstottAravind2026

[AA26]: On aspectual coercion in before- and after-clauses #

[AA26] [Ret20]

Self-paced reading data from 4 experiments testing [Ret20]'s prediction that aspectual coercion (INCHOAT, COMPLET) incurs measurable processing cost. Under-specification theories (e.g. [Ans64]) do not predict such costs.

Results Summary #

ExpCoercion typeRT effectNaturalnessSupports Rett?
1aINCHOAT (within-modifier)nullnullNo
1bCOMPLET (at-modifier)sig verb+1sig lowerYes
2COMPLET (before-clause)sig verb+2†sig lowerYes
3INCHOAT (subj-experiencer)nullnullNo
4INCHOAT (after-clause)sig verb+2†sig lowerYes

† = exploratory analysis (pre-registered verb/verb+1 regions were null)

Key findings:

@[reducible, inline]

Offset from a designated critical region ("the effect appeared at verb+1"): 0 is the critical region; positive offsets are spillover regions; negative offsets are precritical regions. Int rather than an enum: negative offsets and arithmetic come for free. Formerly the Processing/SelfPacedReading.lean paradigm vocabulary, demoted to its sole consumer.

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    The designated critical region of the stimulus.

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      The n-th spillover region (post-critical).

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        The n-th precritical region (pre-critical).

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          Experiment identifiers. Exp 1 has two sub-experiments (a and b).

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              Types of aspectual coercion tested across experiments.

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                  Result from a self-paced reading experiment.

                  Region uses SelfPacedReading.Region (offset from the designated critical region): Region.critical is the verb, Region.spillover 1 is verb+1, Region.spillover 2 is verb+2.

                  • experiment : Experiment
                  • condition : String
                  • coercionType : CoercionType
                  • effectBeta : Rat

                    Mixed-effects regression coefficient (log RT)

                  • se : Rat

                    Standard error of the coefficient

                  • pValue : Rat

                    p-value

                  • Region (offset from critical verb) where effect was measured

                  • significant : Bool

                    Whether the effect reached significance (Bonferroni-corrected α = 0.025)

                  • exploratory : Bool

                    Whether the analysis was exploratory (not pre-registered)

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                      Naturalness rating result (ordinal logistic regression).

                      • experiment : Experiment
                      • coercionType : CoercionType
                      • ratingBeta : Rat

                        Regression coefficient for coercion vs control

                      • se : Rat

                        Standard error of the coefficient

                      • pValue : Rat

                        p-value

                      • significant : Bool

                        Significant difference?

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                          Exp 1a: INCHOAT with within-modifier + be-stative verb. E.g. "Within fifteen minutes Jessica was mad in office hours." No significant RT slowdown; no naturalness difference.

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                              Exp 1b: COMPLET with at-modifier + accomplishment verb. E.g. "At 9pm sharp Hector built the humble tent." Significant slowdown at verb+1; lower naturalness. Supports Rett's COMPLET operator.

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                                  Exp 2: COMPLET in before-clause with accomplishment EE. E.g. "Emma was irritable before Hector built the tent in the woods." Pre-registered regions (verb, verb+1) showed null effects. Exploratory verb+2 analysis found significant slowdown; lower naturalness. Delayed effect consistent with pragmatic (vs semantic) coercion.

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                                      Exp 3: INCHOAT with subject-experiencer verbs in within-modifier context. E.g. "Within fifteen minutes Jessica tolerated the unhelpful professor." No significant RT effect; no naturalness difference.

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                                          Exp 4: INCHOAT in after-clause with subject-experiencer EE. E.g. "Dave was regretful after Lara feared the large dog." Pre-registered regions (verb, verb+1) showed null effects. Exploratory verb+2 analysis found significant slowdown; lower naturalness. INCHOAT cost detected in after-clauses but not within-modifier contexts.

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                                              Complement coercion (e.g., "continued his article") in Exp 1a at noun+1. This replicates across all experiments, confirming paradigm sensitivity.

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                                                Complement coercion in Exp 1b at noun+1.

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                                                  Complement coercion in Exp 3 at noun+1.

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                                                    Rett's theory correctly predicts completive coercion costs where they occur. Both Exps 1b (at-modifier) and 2 (before-clause) show significant slowdowns.

                                                    Rett's theory correctly predicts inchoative coercion cost in after-clauses. Exp 4 shows significant slowdown for after-start readings.

                                                    Within-modifier INCHOAT shows no cost: Exps 1a and 3 show null results. This dissociation (null in within-modifier, significant in after-clause) suggests INCHOAT cost is construction-specific, not universal. The paper's §8.2 proposes a non-coercive, Krifka-style scalar implicature analysis for atelic within-modifier sentences.

                                                    Complement coercion sanity check passes in both sub-experiments.

                                                    Processing measure: all experiments use self-paced reading; the dependent variable is log-transformed reading time (ms).

                                                    Delayed effect in connective contexts: cost at verb+2 (not verb+1). Both connective experiments (2, 4) show verb+2 spillover, while the modifier experiment (1b) shows verb+1. Consistent with pragmatic coercion in connectives being slower to detect than semantic coercion in modifier contexts. Both connective results are exploratory.

                                                    INCHOAT cost is construction-specific: present in after-clauses (Exp 4), absent in within-modifier contexts (Exps 1a, 3).

                                                    Completive effect size exceeds inchoative in modifier contexts.

                                                    RT significance and naturalness significance converge in all 5 experiments: every experiment that shows an RT effect also shows a naturalness effect, and every null RT result has a null naturalness result.

                                                    Tagalog overtly marks what English coerces covertly: PFV.AIA (ability/involuntary action) → before-finish (COMPLET); PFV.NEUT (neutral) → before-start (no coercion).

                                                    Triple convergence: English processing data (Exp 2), Tagalog morphology, and Serbian morphology all independently support covert COMPLET.

                                                    Rival accounts of before/after readings compared by the paper. Only [Ret20]'s ambiguity account posits covert aspectual operators (INCHOAT/COMPLET); under-specification accounts ([Ans64], [Kri10]) and intensional accounts ([BC03], [OST24]) derive the non-default readings from a single lexical entry without covert operators.

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                                                        Does the account posit covert coercion operators — and with them a measurable processing cost for non-default readings? This is the empirical discriminator the paper's four experiments test.

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                                                          The data confirm the ambiguity account's distinctive prediction: significant processing costs exist for coerced readings (Exps 1b, 2, 4), which only a coercion-positing account predicts.

                                                          Rett's coercion operators have overt cross-linguistic reflexes: the theory posits coercion, and languages like Tagalog and Serbian realize it morphologically.