[Abu97]: Sequence of Tense and Temporal de re #
[Abu97] [Sha03] [Hei94a] [Lew79a] [CvS82]
[Abu97]'s theory: tense morphemes are temporal pronouns (variables with presupposed constraints and binding modes). The key innovation is temporal de re: tense can take wide scope over attitude operators via res movement, just as DPs can scope out of attitude complements.
Two derivation styles coexist in this file:
Value-level shadow (
abusch_derives_*againstTensePronoun.fullPresupposition): tense pronoun +Core.Order.holds+ temporal assignment. Captures Abusch's predictions at the value level without committing to the centered-world architecture. Cheap, presupposition-free.Centered-world substrate (
abusch_derives_*_via_acquaintance/_full/_full_metaphysicalagainstTense.DeRe.TemporalDeReReading):Intension (KContext) Timetime-concept + holder-context base anchor + modal-alternative quantification over aSet (Index W Time). The Abusch §3 + eq. 13 architecture, faithful to the [Lew79a] / [CvS82] centered-world reduction of de re. The value-level style checks the same constraint at the same pair (res-time, holder's now), without the modal-rigidity conjunct.
The substrate is modal-base-agnostic and holder-now-honest:
holderContext.time is the holder's now (per §7 ULC), and
IsRigidAcrossAlternatives takes a Set (Index) parameter
(with metaphysicalAlternatives / doxasticAlternatives convenience
constructors).
Core Mechanisms #
- Tense as pronoun:
TensePronoun(inTense) with variable index, constraint, and binding mode. - Upper Limit Constraint (ULC): stated by [Abu97] §7
("the now of an epistemic alternative is an upper limit for the
denotation of tenses"); presuppositional construal due to
[Hei94a], endorsed by Abusch 1997 fn 20. Lives in
Semantics/Tense/Embedding.leanasupperLimitConstraint, formalized at the value level asembeddedR ≤ matrixE. Note: this value-level reduction strips the modal-alternative quantification the original formulation carries; making the modal layer explicit (overHistoricalAlternatives W Timeà la [Kle16]) is deferred. - Temporal de re: tense variable in the res position of an
attitude. The value-level shadow uses
TensePronoun.fullPresupposition: constraint applied to (resolved time, eval time). The LF rewrite + acquaintance-relation machinery (Lewis 1979 / Cresswell-von Stechow 1982) is not formalized here. - Eval-time shift via attitude embedding: the substrate primitives
are
Tense.TensePronoun.evalTime_shifts_under_embeddingandupdateTemporal. Abusch's "relation transmission" (feature passing of relation variables PAST/PRES across embedding) is not what this file currently captures — we only model the value-level eval-time update.
Derivation Theorems #
- Shifted reading: free past variable with presupposition against eval time
- Simultaneous reading: bound variable receives matrix event time
- Double-access: indexical present + attitude binding (placeholder; the full Abusch derivation involves doxastic alternatives + acquaintance relations + the rigid-present presupposition, not formalized here)
- Temporal de re: res movement for wide-scope tense
Limitations #
- Relative clause tense: [Sha03]'s challenge (the mechanism doesn't extend straightforwardly to relative clauses where the tense takes the perspective of a participant)
- Modal-tense interaction: not addressed in [Abu97]'s framework (see [Kle16] for a successor)
- Counterfactual tense: not addressed
- Counterpart-relation isomorphism [Abu97] §12 invokes for the double-access reading derivation (the constraint that actual and belief worlds be temporally isomorphic, eliminating most of the 4 cells in the DAR diagram on p. 43): not formalized
- Modal-layer ULC formulation: see Core Mechanism 2 above
PLA Belief Reports and Conceptual Covers #
The individual-side counterpart of temporal de re, formalized here as
the substrate the temporal account parallels. A PLA epistemic layer
([Dek12] ch. 4) supplies doxastic accessibility, belief/knowledge
tests, and Aloni-style conceptual covers ([Alo01]) — sets of
concepts ("ways of thinking about" entities) relative to which "knowing
who" and de re/de dicto are evaluated. Covers dissolve [Qui56]'s
Ortcutt puzzle: Ralph believing "the man in the brown hat is a spy" and
"the man at the beach is not a spy" (both Ortcutt) is consistent once
the beliefs are indexed to non-overlapping covers. isAcquaintedWith
here and the temporal-de-re acquaintance relation are the same
Reference.Acquaintance substrate at different indices, making Abusch's
individual ↔ temporal de re parallel true by construction
(pla_isAcquaintedWith_unifies_with_polymorphic).
[Abu97] derives the shifted reading: a free past variable with presupposition checked against the (shifted) eval time. The past constraint gives R < evalTime = matrixE.
Note: the proof closes via embeddedFrame.isPast's definition,
which only requires tp.resolve g < matrixFrame.eventTime. The
tp.constraint = .past condition is what Abusch's theory says
licenses this reading, but it isn't load-bearing in this proof —
the conclusion follows for any tense pronoun whose resolution is
below the matrix event time. A full Abusch derivation would
project through Core.Order.holds tp.constraint from the binding mode.
[Abu97] derives the simultaneous reading: a bound variable receives the matrix event time via lambda abstraction.
[Abu97] derives the simultaneous reading via the bound variable mechanism: updating the temporal assignment so the tense variable receives matrix E.
[Abu97]'s double-access placeholder: indexical present requires truth at BOTH speech time (indexical rigidity) AND matrix event time (attitude accessibility). The full Abusch derivation involves doxastic alternatives + acquaintance relations + the rigid-present presupposition; this theorem only states the surface conjunction.
[Abu97] derives temporal de re: the tense variable in res position is evaluated in the matrix context, giving wide-scope temporal reference. When the resolved referent satisfies the past constraint against the (matrix-shifted) eval time, the de re reading is felicitous.
Value-level shadow: this theorem checks TensePronoun.fullPresupposition,
not Abusch's actual centered-proposition rule (paper def. 13). The
g here would, in the full account, be a temporal assignment shifted
by the attitude verb to put the matrix event time at tp.evalTimeIndex.
PLA belief reports and conceptual covers #
The entity-side de re machinery that the temporal account parallels ([Dek12] ch. 4): a doxastic-accessibility relation over PLA possibilities, belief/knowledge as eliminative tests, and Aloni-style conceptual covers ([Alo01]).
De re belief ("John believes of Mary that she is smart") fixes the individual rigidly across the agent's belief worlds; de dicto belief ("John believes the winner is smart") tracks whoever satisfies a description in each world. A conceptual cover is a set of concepts that covers the domain and is functional per possibility — the agent's available "ways of thinking about" entities.
Doxastic accessibility relation: what worlds/possibilities agent a considers compatible with their beliefs.
R a p q means: in possibility p, agent a considers q doxastically accessible
(q is compatible with what a believes in p).
Equations
- Abusch1997.DoxAccessibility E = (E → PLA.Poss E → PLA.Poss E → Prop)
Instances For
The set of doxastically accessible possibilities for agent a at p.
Equations
- Abusch1997.doxAccessible R a p = {q : PLA.Poss E | R a p q}
Instances For
Reflexivity: agent believes truths (factivity for knowledge). Note: belief is not typically factive, but this is useful for knowledge.
Equations
- R.isReflexive = ∀ (a : E) (p : PLA.Poss E), R a p p
Instances For
Transitivity: positive introspection (believing implies believing you believe).
Equations
- R.isTransitive = ∀ (a : E) (p q r : PLA.Poss E), R a p q → R a q r → R a p r
Instances For
Seriality: no inconsistent belief states (for every p, some q is accessible). This is the minimal requirement for belief: consistent belief states.
Instances For
Belief operator: agent a believes φ.
B(a, φ) is true at (g, ê) iff φ is true at all doxastically accessible possibilities.
This is a TEST: it checks if the agent's belief state supports φ.
Equations
- Abusch1997.Formula.believe R M a φ s = {p : PLA.Poss E | p ∈ s ∧ ∀ q ∈ Abusch1997.doxAccessible R a p, PLA.Formula.sat M q.1 q.2 φ}
Instances For
Belief with term: B(t, φ) where t is a term denoting the agent.
Equations
- Abusch1997.Formula.believeTerm R M t φ s = {p : PLA.Poss E | p ∈ s ∧ have a := PLA.Term.eval p.1 p.2 t; ∀ q ∈ Abusch1997.doxAccessible R a p, PLA.Formula.sat M q.1 q.2 φ}
Instances For
Belief is eliminative: Filtering to believers never adds possibilities.
Belief closure under entailment: If you believe φ and φ entails ψ, you believe ψ.
Conjunction distribution: B(a, φ ∧ ψ) ↔ B(a, φ) ∧ B(a, ψ)
A Conceptual Cover is a set of concepts (ways of identifying entities).
In Aloni's framework, a cover represents the "ways of thinking" available to an agent or in a context.
This is the PLA-indexed instance of the polymorphic
Semantics.Reference.Acquaintance.Cover substrate (Acquaintance.Cover (Poss E) E).
The two are definitionally equal — Cover E is the PLA-side name.
Equations
- Abusch1997.Cover E = Set (PLA.Concept E)
Instances For
A cover is exhaustive if every entity is picked out by some concept in
the cover (at every possibility). PLA-specific universal-domain wrapper
around Acquaintance.Cover.isExhaustiveOn _ Set.univ.
Equations
Instances For
The name cover: rigid concepts for each entity. PLA-side reference to
the polymorphic Semantics.Reference.Acquaintance.nameCover at index
Idx := Poss E. Definitionally equal; the polymorphic version is
preferred in new proofs (this abbrev exists for PLA-literature
readers familiar with the original naming).
Equations
Instances For
The variable cover: concepts from variable assignments. This is more "de dicto" - thinking via variable bindings.
Equations
- Abusch1997.variableCover = {x : PLA.Concept E | ∃ (i : PLA.VarIdx), PLA.Concept.fromVar i = x}
Instances For
De re belief: Belief about a specific individual, identified rigidly.
"John believes of Mary that she is smart."
The individual (Mary) is fixed across all of John's belief worlds.
Equations
- Abusch1997.believeDeRe R M agent individual pred s = {p : PLA.Poss E | p ∈ s ∧ ∀ q ∈ Abusch1997.doxAccessible R agent p, M.interp pred [individual] = true}
Instances For
De dicto belief: Belief about whoever satisfies a description.
"John believes that the winner is smart."
The individual may vary across John's belief worlds (whoever is the winner there).
Equations
- Abusch1997.believeDeDicto R M agent description pred s = {p : PLA.Poss E | p ∈ s ∧ ∀ q ∈ Abusch1997.doxAccessible R agent p, M.interp pred [description q] = true}
Instances For
De re implies de dicto when the concept is rigid.
If you believe of x that P(x), and concept c rigidly picks out x, then you believe that P(c).
Substitutivity of identicals (de re): If a = b and you believe P(a), then you believe P(b).
This holds for de re beliefs because the individual is fixed.
Quine's Ortcutt puzzle #
The linguistic puzzle that motivates conceptual covers:
"Ralph believes that the man in the brown hat is a spy." "Ralph believes that the man seen at the beach is not a spy." The man in the brown hat IS the man seen at the beach (= Ortcutt).
Naively, this seems to attribute contradictory beliefs to Ralph. But Ralph is perfectly rational - he simply doesn't know that the two descriptions pick out the same individual.
The apparent contradiction dissolves when we recognize that Ralph's beliefs are relativized to conceptual covers:
- Under the "brown hat" cover, Ralph believes Ortcutt is a spy
- Under the "beach" cover, Ralph believes Ortcutt is not a spy
These are consistent because the covers don't overlap in Ralph's belief worlds.
Quine consistency: An agent can believe P(x) under one cover and ¬P(x) under another cover, without inconsistency.
This is the formal core of Quine's puzzle: what looks like believing both P(o) and ¬P(o) is actually consistent when the beliefs are relativized to different conceptual covers.
Linguistic example: Ralph believes "the man in the brown hat is a spy" AND "the man seen at the beach is not a spy" - both about Ortcutt, yet consistent.
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
Quine consistency requires concept divergence: If an agent has Quine-consistent beliefs about an individual (believing P under one cover, ¬P under another), then the concepts must diverge in some belief-accessible world.
Quine consistency is possible because the concepts that coincide in the actual world must pick out different individuals in some of the agent's belief worlds.
Observation 20: quantifier scope and belief #
[Dek12] Observation 20 (Quantifier Import and Export, p.95):
B(r, ∃x_C Sx) = ∃x_C B(r, Sx)
This equivalence holds when quantification is relativized to a conceptual cover C. An existential quantifier can be "exported" from inside a belief context, provided it ranges over concepts in the agent's cover.
Linguistic motivation: consider "Ralph believes someone is a spy."
Wide scope (de re): ∃x_C B(r, Sx) "There is someone (under cover C) such that Ralph believes they are a spy." Ralph has a specific individual in mind.
Narrow scope (de dicto): B(r, ∃x_C Sx) "Ralph believes that someone (under cover C) is a spy." Ralph believes the existential claim without necessarily having a specific individual in mind.
These readings are equivalent when the cover C represents Ralph's available ways of identifying individuals.
In classical intensional semantics (without covers), wide and narrow scope are not equivalent. Covers make them equivalent because the quantifier domain is "grounded" in the agent's conceptual repertoire.
Narrow scope existential belief: Agent believes ∃x.P(x) The existential is inside the belief operator.
Equations
- Abusch1997.believeExistsNarrow R M agent C pred s = {p : PLA.Poss E | p ∈ s ∧ ∀ q ∈ Abusch1997.doxAccessible R agent p, ∃ c ∈ C, M.interp pred [c q] = true}
Instances For
Wide scope existential belief: ∃x.B(agent, P(x)) The existential scopes over the belief operator.
Equations
- Abusch1997.believeExistsWide R M agent C pred s = {p : PLA.Poss E | p ∈ s ∧ ∃ c ∈ C, ∀ q ∈ Abusch1997.doxAccessible R agent p, M.interp pred [c q] = true}
Instances For
Observation 20 (wide → narrow): Wide scope implies narrow scope (always holds).
∃x_C B(r, Sx) → B(r, ∃x_C Sx)
If there's a specific concept c such that Ralph believes P(c), then Ralph believes that something satisfies P.
Observation 20 (equivalence characterization): Wide and narrow scope are equivalent iff there exists a uniform witnessing concept.
The narrow → wide direction requires Skolemization: turning per-world witnesses (∀q, ∃c) into a uniform witness (∃c, ∀q). This holds when:
- The cover is finite and doxastic state is finite (by pigeonhole)
- The cover satisfies a "tracking" condition (concepts persist across worlds)
We state the precise equivalence condition rather than assuming it.
Observation 21: knowing who is cover-relative #
[Dek12] Observation 21 (Knowing and not Knowing Who, p.97):
"Knowing who" is relative to a conceptual cover.
The Hesperus/Phosphorus puzzle:
The ancients knew that:
- Hesperus is the evening star (visible at dusk)
- Phosphorus is the morning star (visible at dawn)
They did not know that Hesperus = Phosphorus (both are Venus).
Question: Did the ancients "know who Hesperus is"?
Answer depends on the cover:
- Under the astronomical cover (celestial bodies as physical objects): No - they didn't know Hesperus is Venus.
- Under the observational cover (celestial bodies by when they appear): Yes - they knew Hesperus is "the bright thing in the evening sky."
"Knowing who" is not absolute but relative to a contextually supplied way of carving up the domain of individuals.
This explains why "knowing who" questions are context-sensitive:
- "Do you know who the president is?" (identification by role)
- "Do you know who that person is?" (identification by name/face)
Different questions presuppose different conceptual covers.
Knowing who (cover-relative): Agent knows who x is under cover C.
K_C(a, who(x)) holds iff:
- Agent has an identifying concept c in cover C
- c picks out x in all epistemically accessible worlds
- Agent knows that c picks out x
Equations
- Abusch1997.knowsWho R agent individual C p = ∃ c ∈ C, c p = individual ∧ ∀ q ∈ Abusch1997.doxAccessible R agent p, c q = individual
Instances For
Hesperus/Phosphorus: Two concepts can pick out the same individual at the actual world but different individuals in belief-accessible worlds.
Equations
- Abusch1997.hesperusPhosphorusScenario R agent hesperus phosphorus venus p = (hesperus p = venus ∧ phosphorus p = venus ∧ ∃ q ∈ Abusch1997.doxAccessible R agent p, hesperus q ≠ phosphorus q)
Instances For
Observation 21: Knowing who is cover-relative.
If the cover includes only rigid concepts (like proper names), then knowing who is equivalent to de re identification.
But if the cover includes descriptive concepts (like "the evening star"), knowing who becomes weaker - it only requires identifying x via the contextually appropriate description.
Knowing who under one cover does not transfer to another cover.
If the agent knows who x is under cover C₁, this does NOT imply they know who x is under a different cover C₂.
This is the formal content of the Hesperus/Phosphorus puzzle: the ancients knew "who Hesperus is" under an observational cover but not under an astronomical cover.
Belief relative to a cover: The agent's beliefs are interpreted relative to a conceptual cover (their available ways of thinking).
B_C(a, ∃x.P(x)) is true iff for some concept c in cover C, a believes P(c).
Equations
- Abusch1997.believeExistsWithCover R M agent C pred s = {p : PLA.Poss E | p ∈ s ∧ ∃ c ∈ C, ∀ q ∈ Abusch1997.doxAccessible R agent p, M.interp pred [c q] = true}
Instances For
Belief relative to name cover is equivalent to de re quantification.
Acquaintance requirement (Russell): De re belief requires acquaintance.
You can only have de re beliefs about entities you're "acquainted with"
(entities in your conceptual cover). PLA-side reference to
Semantics.Reference.Acquaintance.isAcquaintedWith at the PLA index
Idx := Poss E. Definitionally equal — the abbrev preserves the
PLA-literature naming.
Equations
- Abusch1997.isAcquaintedWith individual C p = Semantics.Reference.Acquaintance.isAcquaintedWith individual C p
Instances For
De re belief presupposes acquaintance (relative to a cover).
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
Knowledge: factive belief (what you know is true).
K(a, φ) implies φ is actually true, not just believed.
Equations
- Abusch1997.Formula.know R M a φ s = {p : PLA.Poss E | p ∈ s ∧ PLA.Formula.sat M p.1 p.2 φ ∧ ∀ q ∈ Abusch1997.doxAccessible R a p, PLA.Formula.sat M q.1 q.2 φ}
Instances For
Knowledge implies belief.
Knowledge is factive: K(a, φ) → φ
[Abu97]'s temporal de re via the centered-world substrate
(Semantics/Tense/DeRe.lean): any TemporalDeReReading
whose actual res-time precedes the holder's now satisfies the past
constraint. Value-level felicity reduces to the actualRes ordering;
rigidity of the concept (= acquaintance-anchored res reading) is
not required for the value-level shadow.
[Abu97]'s temporal de re with modal-alternative
quantification (substrate-level lift of the §3 p. 9 base-world
condition): the time-concept identifies the same time across an
alternatives : Set (Index W Time). The substrate is
modal-base-agnostic; this theorem holds for any alternative-set
the consumer supplies (doxastic, metaphysical, or other). The
full IsFelicitous predicate combines the value-level past
constraint with this modal rigidity.
A rigid time-concept (constant intension) discharges the modal rigidity automatically — Abusch's de re reading is satisfied "for free" when the res is identified by a name-like rigid concept.
Metaphysical-instantiation specialization of
abusch_derives_temporal_de_re_full. Recovers the legacy
HistoricalAlternatives-based formulation as a corollary at the
metaphysicalAlternatives instance, demonstrating backward
compatibility with Klecha 2016 DOX-shaped reasoning.
Individual ↔ temporal de re unification: the PLA-literature
isAcquaintedWith alias above (entity-side, individual de re) and the
polymorphic Reference.Acquaintance.isAcquaintedWith are the same
predicate at the PLA index Idx := Poss E. Provable by Iff.rfl
because the alias is a definitional wrapper (abbrev) of the
polymorphic version.
The content of the theorem is structural — it shows the de re
reading proved about individuals and the de re reading
TemporalDeReReading exposes for times are instantiations of
the same acquaintance substrate, making true [Abu97]'s
p. 6 prose claim ("To apply the same machinery to de re belief,
a further constraint is required") via the Acquaintance
polymorphism.
Reichenbach frames for the canonical Abusch-tradition SOT
diagnostics: past-under-past (simultaneous + shifted), present-
under-past (double-access), future-under-past (would), the ULC
foil (forward-shifted), and temporal de re. Each embedded frame
is constructed via the embeddedFrame / simultaneousFrame
substrate operators (per CLAUDE.md
"Theory-hub denotation as study-file constraint") rather than
hand-stipulating S/P/R/E records.
Matrix frame for "John said..." (past tense, perfective). Speech time S = 0, saying event at t = -2. Root clause: P = S; perfective: E = R.
Equations
- Abusch1997.matrixSaid = { speechTime := 0, perspectiveTime := 0, referenceTime := -2, eventTime := -2 }
Instances For
"Mary was sick" — SIMULTANEOUS reading. Embedded P = matrix E = -2, R' = E_matrix = -2: Mary is sick at the time of the saying.
Instances For
"Mary was sick" — SHIFTED reading. R' = -5 < E_matrix: Mary was sick before the saying.
Equations
Instances For
"Mary is sick" (present-under-past) — DOUBLE-ACCESS reading. Embedded P = matrix E = -2, R' = -2, E = 0 (speech time): Mary is sick now AND the sickness is relevant at the time of saying.
Equations
Instances For
"Mary would leave" (future-under-past). "Would" = PAST + FUTURE: the leaving is after the saying. R' = -1 > E_matrix.
Equations
Instances For
Hypothetical FORWARD-SHIFTED frame (ULC foil, §7). R' = -1 >
E_matrix = -2: sick AFTER the saying. Predicted not to exist as
a reading per Abusch's Upper Limit Constraint. Structurally
coincides with embeddedWouldLeave's record — the Reichenbach
encoding cannot distinguish "ULC violation" from "valid future
reading"; only the analyst's intent and the sentence's actual
meaning do.
Equations
Instances For
"John believed it was raining" — TEMPORAL DE RE. The rain event is located at -3 via the actual world (de re), not in John's belief worlds (de dicto). Embedded P = -2, R = E = -3.
Equations
Instances For
The simultaneous frame is isPresent (R = P).
Per Abusch: a bound variable receives matrix E.
The shifted frame is isPast (R < P).
Per Abusch: a free past variable below the matrix event time.
The matrix "said" frame is perfective (E = R).
The shifted embedded frame is perfective (E = R).
Forward-shifted reading violates ULC: R' > E_matrix is not allowed.
Simultaneous reading satisfies ULC: R' ≤ E_matrix.
Shifted reading satisfies ULC: R' < E_matrix.