[Abu97]: Sequence of Tense and Temporal de re #
[Abu97] [Sha03] [Hei94a] [Lew79a] [CvS82]
[Abu97]'s theory: tense morphemes are temporal pronouns (variables with presupposed constraints and binding modes). The key innovation is temporal de re: tense can take wide scope over attitude operators via res movement, just as DPs can scope out of attitude complements.
Two derivation styles coexist in this file:
Value-level shadow (
abusch_derives_*againstTensePronoun.fullPresupposition): tense pronoun +Core.Order.holds+ temporal assignment. Captures Abusch's predictions at the value level without committing to the centered-world architecture. Cheap, presupposition-free.Centered-world substrate (
abusch_derives_*_via_acquaintance/_full/_full_metaphysicalagainstTense.DeRe.TemporalDeReReading):Intension (KContext) Timetime-concept + holder-context base anchor + modal-alternative quantification over aSet (WorldTimeIndex W Time). The Abusch §3 + def. 13 architecture, faithful to the [Lew79a] / [CvS82] centered-world reduction of de re. The two styles are bridged byTense.DeRe.TemporalDeReReading.isFelicitousWith_iff_tensePronoun_fullPresupposition.
The substrate is modal-base-agnostic and holder-now-honest:
holderContext.time is the holder's now (per §7 ULC), and
IsRigidAcrossAlternatives takes a Set (WorldTimeIndex) parameter
(with metaphysicalAlternatives / doxasticAlternatives convenience
constructors). See Tense/DeRe.lean docstring for what's deferred
(LF rewrite operator, etc.).
Core Mechanisms #
- Tense as pronoun:
TensePronoun(inTense) with variable index, constraint, and binding mode. - Upper Limit Constraint (ULC): stated by [Abu97] §7
("the now of an epistemic alternative is an upper limit for the
denotation of tenses"); presuppositional construal due to
[Hei94a], endorsed by Abusch 1997 fn 20. Lives in
Semantics/Tense/Basic.leanasupperLimitConstraint, formalized at the value level asembeddedR ≤ matrixE. Note: this value-level reduction strips the modal-alternative quantification the original formulation carries; making the modal layer explicit (overHistoricalAlternatives W Timeà la [Kle16]) is deferred. - Temporal de re: tense variable in the res position of an
attitude. The value-level shadow uses
TensePronoun.fullPresupposition: constraint applied to (resolved time, eval time). The LF rewrite + acquaintance-relation machinery (Lewis 1979 / Cresswell-von Stechow 1982) is not formalized here. - Eval-time shift via attitude embedding: the substrate primitives
are
Tense.evalTime_shifts_under_embeddingandupdateTemporal. Abusch's "relation transmission" (feature passing of relation variables PAST/PRES across embedding) is not what this file currently captures — we only model the value-level eval-time update.
Derivation Theorems #
- Shifted reading: free past variable with presupposition against eval time
- Simultaneous reading: bound variable receives matrix event time
- Double-access: indexical present + attitude binding (placeholder; the full Abusch derivation involves doxastic alternatives + acquaintance relations + the rigid-present presupposition, not formalized here)
- Temporal de re: res movement for wide-scope tense
Limitations #
- Relative clause tense: [Sha03]'s challenge (the mechanism doesn't extend straightforwardly to relative clauses where the tense takes the perspective of a participant)
- Modal-tense interaction: not addressed in [Abu97]'s framework (see [Kle16] for a successor)
- Counterfactual tense: not addressed
- Counterpart-relation isomorphism [Abu97] §12 invokes for the double-access reading derivation (the constraint that actual and belief worlds be temporally isomorphic, eliminating most of the 4 cells in the DAR diagram on p. 43): not formalized
- Modal-layer ULC formulation: see Core Mechanism 2 above
[Abu97] derives the shifted reading: a free past variable with presupposition checked against the (shifted) eval time. The past constraint gives R < evalTime = matrixE.
Note: the proof closes via embeddedFrame.isPast's definition,
which only requires tp.resolve g < matrixFrame.eventTime. The
tp.constraint = .past condition is what Abusch's theory says
licenses this reading, but it isn't load-bearing in this proof —
the conclusion follows for any tense pronoun whose resolution is
below the matrix event time. A full Abusch derivation would
project through Core.Order.holds tp.constraint from the binding mode.
[Abu97] derives the simultaneous reading: a bound variable receives the matrix event time via lambda abstraction.
[Abu97] derives the simultaneous reading via the bound variable mechanism: updating the temporal assignment so the tense variable receives matrix E.
[Abu97]'s double-access placeholder: indexical present requires truth at BOTH speech time (indexical rigidity) AND matrix event time (attitude accessibility). The full Abusch derivation involves doxastic alternatives + acquaintance relations + the rigid-present presupposition; this theorem only states the surface conjunction.
[Abu97] derives temporal de re: the tense variable in res position is evaluated in the matrix context, giving wide-scope temporal reference. When the resolved referent satisfies the past constraint against the (matrix-shifted) eval time, the de re reading is felicitous.
Value-level shadow: this theorem checks TensePronoun.fullPresupposition,
not Abusch's actual centered-proposition rule (paper def. 13). The
g here would, in the full account, be a temporal assignment shifted
by the attitude verb to put the matrix event time at tp.evalTimeIndex.
[Abu97]'s temporal de re via the centered-world substrate
(Semantics/Tense/DeRe.lean): any TemporalDeReReading
whose actual res-time precedes the holder's now satisfies the past
constraint. Value-level felicity reduces to the actualRes ordering;
rigidity of the concept (= acquaintance-anchored res reading) is
not required for the value-level shadow.
[Abu97]'s temporal de re with modal-alternative
quantification (substrate-level lift of the §3 p. 9 base-world
condition): the time-concept identifies the same time across an
alternatives : Set (WorldTimeIndex W Time). The substrate is
modal-base-agnostic; this theorem holds for any alternative-set
the consumer supplies (doxastic, metaphysical, or other). The
full IsAbuschFelicitous predicate combines the value-level past
constraint with this modal rigidity.
A rigid time-concept (constant intension) discharges the modal rigidity automatically — Abusch's de re reading is satisfied "for free" when the res is identified by a name-like rigid concept.
Metaphysical-instantiation specialization of
abusch_derives_temporal_de_re_full. Recovers the legacy
HistoricalAlternatives-based formulation as a corollary at the
metaphysicalAlternatives instance, demonstrating backward
compatibility with Klecha 2016 DOX-shaped reasoning.
PLA ↔ Abusch substrate unification: PLA's isAcquaintedWith
(entity-side, individual de re) and the polymorphic
Reference.Acquaintance.isAcquaintedWith are the same predicate
at the PLA index Idx := Poss E. Provable by Iff.rfl because
PLA's wrapper is a definitional alias (abbrev) of the
polymorphic version.
The content of the theorem is structural — it shows the de re
reading PLA proves about individuals and the de re reading
TemporalDeReReading exposes for times are instantiations of
the same acquaintance substrate, making true [Abu97]'s
p. 6 prose claim ("To apply the same machinery to de re belief,
a further constraint is required") via the Acquaintance
polymorphism.
Reichenbach frames for the canonical Abusch-tradition SOT
diagnostics: past-under-past (simultaneous + shifted), present-
under-past (double-access), future-under-past (would), the ULC
foil (forward-shifted), and temporal de re. Each embedded frame
is constructed via the embeddedFrame / simultaneousFrame /
shiftedFrame substrate operators (per CLAUDE.md
"Theory-hub denotation as study-file constraint") rather than
hand-stipulating S/P/R/E records.
Matrix frame for "John said..." (past tense, perfective). Speech time S = 0, saying event at t = -2. Root clause: P = S; perfective: E = R.
Equations
- Abusch1997.matrixSaid = { speechTime := 0, perspectiveTime := 0, referenceTime := -2, eventTime := -2 }
Instances For
"Mary was sick" — SIMULTANEOUS reading. Embedded P = matrix E = -2, R' = E_matrix = -2: Mary is sick at the time of the saying.
Instances For
"Mary was sick" — SHIFTED reading. R' = -5 < E_matrix: Mary was sick before the saying.
Equations
Instances For
"Mary is sick" (present-under-past) — DOUBLE-ACCESS reading. Embedded P = matrix E = -2, R' = -2, E = 0 (speech time): Mary is sick now AND the sickness is relevant at the time of saying.
Equations
Instances For
"Mary would leave" (future-under-past). "Would" = PAST + FUTURE: the leaving is after the saying. R' = -1 > E_matrix.
Equations
Instances For
Hypothetical FORWARD-SHIFTED frame (ULC foil, §7). R' = -1 >
E_matrix = -2: sick AFTER the saying. Predicted not to exist as
a reading per Abusch's Upper Limit Constraint. Structurally
coincides with embeddedWouldLeave's record — the Reichenbach
encoding cannot distinguish "ULC violation" from "valid future
reading"; only the analyst's intent and the sentence's actual
meaning do.
Equations
Instances For
"John believed it was raining" — TEMPORAL DE RE. The rain event is located at -3 via the actual world (de re), not in John's belief worlds (de dicto). Embedded P = -2, R = E = -3.
Equations
Instances For
The simultaneous frame is isPresent (R = P).
Per Abusch: a bound variable receives matrix E.
The shifted frame is isPast (R < P).
Per Abusch: a free past variable below the matrix event time.
The matrix "said" frame is perfective (E = R).
The shifted embedded frame is perfective (E = R).
Forward-shifted reading violates ULC: R' > E_matrix is not allowed.
Simultaneous reading satisfies ULC: R' ≤ E_matrix.
Shifted reading satisfies ULC: R' < E_matrix.