The denotation of a determiner #
The determiner records of Syntax/Category/Determiner/Basic.lean denote Nominals, in parallel
with the pronouns of Semantics/Reference/Pronoun.lean:
| pronoun | determiner | |
|---|---|---|
| lexical record | PersonalPronoun | Article, DemonstrativeDeterminer |
| selector | interpPronoun (g ↦ g i) | ⟦k⟧ for a Description k |
| intrinsic presupposition | φ-domain (phiDom) | vicinity of the anchors (χ.image) |
The selector is the description's denotation, so a determiner and its description pick the same
individual by construction. A demonstrative's deictic content projects as its intrinsic
presupposition, so deixis filters the referent but never selects it
(DemonstrativeDeterminer.denote_selector_eq_anaphoric). Following Harbour's spatial head χ, the
presupposition is that the referent lies in the vicinity of a referent whose participants form one
of the demonstrative's participant sets: the χ-image of the preimage of those sets under
Reference.Context.participants. For the first person's sets that preimage is the first person's
φ-domain, and for the other persons' sets it is their φ-domain less the more prominent ones'.
Main declarations #
Description.toNominal: a description'sNominal, with vacuous intrinsic presupposition.DemonstrativeDeterminer.denote: the demonstrative'sNominal.Article.toDescriptions,Article.denotations: an article's possible descriptions, one per admissible strength, and theirNominals; a syncretic article (English the) denotes both the weak and the strong description.PossessiveDeterminer.denote: the possessive determiner'sNominal, the unique satisfier of the possessee restrictor that stands in the possession relation to the possessor.
Implementation notes #
Context is the entity assignment Assignment E and the world coordinate is the resource situation
W, as for PersonalPronoun.denote. A demonstrative also reads the context of utterance, whose
agent and addressee fix the participants of a referent, and a vicinity relation χ : SetRel E E.
Harbour leaves the anchoring referent free; the presupposition closes it existentially, his reading
of English here as the vicinity of any group containing the speaker. A demonstrative without a
deictic contrast covers every participant set and so presupposes only that its referent lies in some
vicinity: its deictic centre is the whole discourse space, as Terenghi puts it. Harbour's (16) and
Moroney's (147)–(148) put the deictic condition inside the restriction, where it can select among
the restrictor's satisfiers; here it is a presupposition on the indexed referent of the
strong-article description, and the two coincide whenever the index supplies a referent that meets
the condition. Distance, visibility and elevation, which cross-cut the person cells, are not
modeled. Quantifier, a generalized quantifier rather than an individual denotation, has no
Nominal.
References #
Descriptions as nominal denotations #
A description denotes the Nominal whose selector is its denotation and whose intrinsic
presupposition is vacuous, a definite's only presupposition being that the selector is
defined.
Equations
- k.toNominal = { presup := fun (x : Assignment E) (x_1 : W) => True, selector := Semantics.Denotes.denote k }
Instances For
The demonstrative determiner's denotation #
A demonstrative determiner denotes the Nominal whose selector is the demonstrative
description at discourse index d and whose intrinsic presupposition is that the indexed referent
g d lies in the vicinity of a referent whose participants form one of its participant sets.
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
A demonstrative determiner denotes on every model, the restrictor, the index, the context of utterance and the vicinity relation being the Reader arguments of its domain.
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
A demonstrative determiner presupposes that its referent lies in the vicinity of a referent whose participants form one of its participant sets.
A demonstrative with fewer participant sets presupposes more.
Two demonstratives with complementary participant sets together cover the vicinity of every referent.
Deixis filters, it does not select: a demonstrative determiner's selector
is exactly the strong article's selector. The API-level form of
Description.denote_demonstrative_eq_anaphoric — the deictic content lives entirely
in the presup component.
Two demonstrative determiners differing only in deictic content share a selector — this and that pick the same referent and differ only in what they presuppose about it.
The article's descriptions and denotations #
The descriptions an article can denote are the images of its admissible [Sch09b]
strengths under Description.ofStrength. A syncretic article such as English the denotes both
the weak and the strong description.
Equations
- a.toDescriptions R idx = (fun (x : Reference.Description.Strength) => Reference.Description.ofStrength x R idx) '' ↑a.strengths
Instances For
An article realizes the kind of each of its own descriptions, so the denotation pipeline
through Description.ofStrength and the inventory pipeline through
Determiner.Inventory.Realizes coincide.
The Nominals an article can denote are those of its descriptions.
Equations
- a.denotations R idx = Reference.Description.toNominal '' a.toDescriptions R idx
Instances For
An article denotes the set of its readings on every model, the restrictor and the index being the Reader arguments of its domain.
Equations
- Reference.instDenotesArticleForallForallForallRestrictorForallNatSetNominalAssignment = { denote := fun (a : Article) (x x_1 : Type) => a.denotations }
Every denotation of an article arises from a description whose kind the article realizes.
The possessive determiner's denotation #
A possessive determiner denotes the Nominal of the definite description selecting the
unique satisfier of the possessee restrictor R that stands in rel to the possessor, the
Description.possessive selector (iota of R ∧ rel possessor ·). The intrinsic presupposition is
vacuous; the definite's only presupposition is definedness, exposed as the
selector returning some.
The narrowing-aware GQ form for quantificational possessors ("every student's
cat") is Possession.PossNP — (individual a) of
PossNP reduces here when the possessor is an entity.
Equations
- PossessiveDeterminer.denote R possessor rel _p = (Reference.Description.possessive R possessor rel).toNominal
Instances For
A possessive determiner denotes on every model, the restrictor, the possessor and the possession relation being the Reader arguments of its domain.
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
A possessive determiner's selector is the possessive description's selector — the determiner picks the unique possessee related to the possessor by construction.
A possessive determiner realizes the kind of its own denotation — the
denotational pipeline and the inventory pipeline agree, parallel to
Article.denotations_realized.