Assignment-relative denotations #
Denotations of expressions with free variables, relative to an assignment g : ℕ → E of
entities to indices ([HK98]): a pronoun with index n denotes g n, a binder
at n abstracts over the value of n by updating g, and composition threads the assignment
through — the Reader applicative of [charlow-2018], whose laws hold definitionally. Situation
pronouns are the same construction at an assignment of indices, and DenotGS carries both.
Main definitions #
DenotG E W ty: denotations relative to an entity assignment;constDenot,applyG,lambdaAbsG,interpPronoun,denotGJoin.DenotGS E W ty: denotations relative to an entity and a situation assignment;interpSitPronoun,DenotGS.const.
References #
- I. Heim, A. Kratzer, Semantics in Generative Grammar (1998)
- [S. Charlow, A modular theory of pronouns and binding (2018)][charlow-2018]
A denotation relative to an entity assignment.
Equations
- Semantics.Composition.DenotG E W ty = (Assignment E → Semantics.Composition.Denot E W ty)
Instances For
Pronoun/variable denotation: ⟦xₙ⟧^g = g(n).
Equations
- Semantics.Composition.interpPronoun n g = g n
Instances For
Lift constant denotation to assignment-relative form.
Equations
- Semantics.Composition.constDenot d x✝ = d
Instances For
Function application with assignments.
Equations
- Semantics.Composition.applyG f x g = f g (x g)
Instances For
Lambda abstraction with variable binding.
Equations
- Semantics.Composition.lambdaAbsG n body g x = body (Function.update g n x)
Instances For
Assignment-sensitive composition as an applicative functor #
[charlow-2018] observes that constDenot (ρ) and applyG (⊛)
form an applicative functor for the Reader type constructor G a := g → a
([mcbride-paterson-2008]). The four applicative functor laws hold
definitionally.
Homomorphism: ρ f ⊛ ρ x = ρ (f x).
Identity: ρ id ⊛ v = v.
Interchange: u ⊛ ρ y = ρ (· y) ⊛ u.
Monadic join for higher-order variables #
Join (μ): flatten a doubly assignment-dependent meaning.
[charlow-2018] §4.2: μ m := λg. m g g.
Enables higher-order variables: a pronoun anaphoric to an intension
(type g → g → a) is flattened to a standard denotation (type g → a)
by evaluating the retrieved intension at the current assignment.
Equations
- Semantics.Composition.denotGJoin ho g = ho g g
Instances For
Left identity: μ (ρ d) = d.
Right identity: μ (λg. ρ(d g)) = d.
Associativity: μ ∘ μ = μ ∘ fmap μ.
Situation pronouns as the type-level dual of entity pronouns #
Hanink (2018, 2021), Bondarenko (2022, 2023) and the broader post-Schwarz literature on situational vs anaphoric definites argue that a situation argument can be a bound variable (a "situation pronoun"), not just a free parameter handed to an interpretation function.
Type-theoretically this is the dual of entity binding under Ty.intens:
where entity pronouns are interpreted relative to Assignment E := ℕ → E,
situation pronouns are interpreted relative to SitAssignment W := ℕ → W.
Both reuse Assignment at different instantiations, so mathlib's
Function.update lemmas apply to both.
Situation assignment: maps situation-pronoun indices to frame indices.
Reuses Assignment at type W.
Equations
Instances For
Situation-pronoun denotation: ⟦sₙ⟧^{gs} = gs(n). Parallels interpPronoun.
Equations
- Semantics.Composition.interpSitPronoun n gs = gs n
Instances For
A denotation relative to an entity assignment and a situation assignment, for expressions containing both entity and situation pronouns (definites, attitude reports, world-variable binding).
Equations
- Semantics.Composition.DenotGS E W ty = (Assignment E → Semantics.Composition.SitAssignment W → Semantics.Composition.Denot E W ty)
Instances For
A constant denotation as a bi-assignment-relative one.
Equations
- Semantics.Composition.DenotGS.const d x✝¹ x✝ = d