Expressivity of OT, Harmonic Grammar, and MaxEnt #
This file compares the expressive power of Optimality Theory (OT), Harmonic Grammar (HG), and maximum-entropy grammar (MaxEnt). With exponentially separated weights the harmony order of HG agrees with the lexicographic comparison of OT, so every OT grammar is an HG grammar, and as the weights are scaled up MaxEnt concentrates on the OT winner. The containment of OT in HG is strict because of cumulativity, in which several low-weight violations together outweigh a single high-weight one. The comparison follows Smolensky and Legendre, Pater, and Coetzee and Pater, and the cumulativity witness is Coetzee and Pater's version of Itô and Mester's Lyman's Law data.
Main definitions #
ExponentiallySeparated,expWeights: the HG reading of an OT ranking.RealizationProblem: a target mapping that one grammar must realize on every input.RealizationProblem.IsHGRealizable,RealizationProblem.IsOTRealizable: realizability by a non-negative weighting and by a ranking.RealizationProblem.ercs: the winner–loser ERCs of a problem.
Main results #
ot_lex_imp_higher_harmony: lexicographic dominance gives higher harmony under exponentially separated weights.maxent_ot_limit: MaxEnt concentrates on the OT winner as the weights are scaled up.RealizationProblem.realizedByRanking_iff_satisfiedBy: OT-realization is ERC satisfaction.RealizationProblem.IsOTRealizable.isHGRealizable,hg_strictly_contains_ot: OT is strictly contained in HG.RealizationProblem.isOTRealizable_iff_isPartialOrderRealizable: partially ordered grammars realize exactly the OT-realizable targets, so their advantage is probabilistic.
References #
- A. Prince and P. Smolensky, Optimality Theory: Constraint Interaction in Generative Grammar (1993)
- P. Smolensky and G. Legendre, The Harmonic Mind: From Neural Computation to Optimality-Theoretic Grammar (2006)
- J. Pater, Morpheme-specific phonology: Constraint indexation and inconsistency resolution (2009)
- A. W. Coetzee and J. Pater, The Place of Variation in Phonological Theory (2011)
- J. Itô and A. Mester, The Phonology of Voicing in Japanese (1986)
- B. Hayes and C. Wilson, A Maximum Entropy Model of Phonotactics and Phonotactic Learning (2008)
- B. Tesar and P. Smolensky, The Learnability of Optimality Theory (1995)
- A. Prince, Entailed Ranking Arguments (2002)
- J. Riggle, Violation Semirings in Optimality Theory (2009)
OT → HG weights #
An OT ranking is a List (Constraint C); as a ConstraintSet C (Fin ranking.length) it is just
ranking.get. The Harmonic-Grammar reading of that ranking with violation bound
M weights coordinate i (0 = highest) by (M+1)^(n−1−i) — the expWeights
vector below. So the HG harmony of an OT ranking is
harmonyScore ranking.get (expWeights ranking.length M), with no separate
weighted-constraint object.
Exponentially separated weights #
Weights are exponentially separated with violation bound M when each weight exceeds M
times the sum of all lower-ranked weights. No combination of lower-ranked violations can then
override a single higher-ranked violation difference, as under OT's strict ranking.
Equations
- HarmonicGrammar.ExponentiallySeparated w M = ((∀ (i : Fin n), 0 < w i) ∧ ∀ (k : Fin n), ↑M * {x : Fin n | x > k}.sum w < w k)
Instances For
The exponential weights give constraint i the weight (M+1)^(n−1−i), so the
highest-ranked constraint 0 gets the largest weight (M+1)^(n−1).
Equations
- HarmonicGrammar.expWeights n M i = (↑M + 1) ^ (n - 1 - ↑i)
Instances For
Exponential weights are positive.
Exponential weights are exponentially separated.
Ganging (complement of exponential separation) #
Two constraints with weights w₁ and w₂ gang against a third with weight w₃ when each
is weaker than w₃ but together they are stronger. Under OT's strict ranking a lower-ranked
constraint never overrides a higher-ranked one, however many violations accumulate.
Equations
- HarmonicGrammar.Ganging w₁ w₂ w₃ = (0 < w₁ ∧ 0 < w₂ ∧ 0 < w₃ ∧ w₁ < w₃ ∧ w₂ < w₃ ∧ w₃ < w₁ + w₂)
Instances For
The weights 2, 2, and 3 exhibit ganging.
With exponentially separated weights (M = 1), each constraint outweighs the total of all lower weights.
With exponentially separated weights (M = 1), no two distinct lower-ranked constraints i
and j gang against a higher-ranked k, since their combined weight is at most the total
lower weight, which no_ganging_when_separated bounds strictly below w k.
HG–OT agreement #
The HG–OT agreement lemma states that with exponentially separated weights and bounded
violations, lexicographic dominance implies strictly lower weighted violations, so the
lexicographically better candidate has strictly higher harmony. The proof splits the
difference of the weighted sums at the first coordinate k where the profiles differ.
Earlier terms cancel, the term at k contributes at least wₖ, and the later terms total at
most M times the sum of the lower weights, which separation bounds below wₖ.
An exponentially separated weighting is strictly monotone on the M-bounded part of the
lexicographic order. This is a concrete form of [Rig09b]'s order-preserving map from the
violation semiring to tropical costs.
If candidate a lexicographically beats b on the violation profile induced by ranking
and M bounds all violations, then a has strictly higher harmony than b under the
exponential weights expWeights ranking.length M.
MaxEnt → OT limit #
Scaling exponentially separated weights concentrates the MaxEnt distribution on a candidate
that lexicographically beats every competitor under a ranking with violation bound M, since
it has the greatest harmony (ot_lex_imp_higher_harmony).
Realizability #
A framework realizes a target mapping when one of its grammars selects the target output on every input.
Realization problems #
A realization problem is a target mapping that a single grammar over the constraint set con
must realize on every input at once. For OT it is the data of [TS95]'s ranking
problem.
- inputs : Finset Input
The grammar handles a finite set of inputs.
- cands : Input → Finset Output
Each input has a finite candidate set.
- con : OptimalityTheory.ConstraintSet (Input × Output) ι
The constraints, evaluated on input–output mappings.
- target : Input → Output
The grammar must select the target output on each input.
Each target output is in its input's candidate set.
Instances For
The weighting w HG-realizes the target when on every input the target harmonically
dominates every other candidate.
Equations
- P.realizedByWeighting w = ∀ i ∈ P.inputs, ∀ o ∈ P.cands i, o ≠ P.target i → HarmonicGrammar.harmonyDominates P.con w (i, P.target i) (i, o)
Instances For
A problem is HG-realizable when some non-negative weighting realizes its target. Non-negativity is [Pat09]'s standard HG; [CP11b] also discuss negative weights.
Equations
- P.IsHGRealizable = ∃ (w : ι → ℝ), 0 ≤ w ∧ P.realizedByWeighting w
Instances For
The ranking σ OT-realizes the target when on every input it picks the target, which
strictly lex-dominates every alternative under σ.
Equations
- P.realizedByRanking σ = ∀ i ∈ P.inputs, OptimalityTheory.PicksAt P.cands P.con σ i (P.target i)
Instances For
A problem is OT-realizable when some constraint ranking realizes its target.
Equations
- P.IsOTRealizable = ∃ (σ : OptimalityTheory.Ranking (Fin n) n), P.realizedByRanking σ
Instances For
Equations
- P.instDecidableRealizedByRankingOfDecidableEq σ = id inferInstance
Equations
- P.instDecidableIsOTRealizableOfDecidableEq = id inferInstance
σ OT-realizes P iff for every input the target is the unique
Tableau.optimal of the σ-permuted tableau.
OT-realization is ERC satisfaction #
The winner–loser ERCs of a problem have one comparative row for each input and non-target candidate ([Pri02]).
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
Provided no competitor ties the target's violation profile, σ realizes the target iff σ
satisfies every winner–loser ERC ([Pri02]).
OT-realizability is consistency of the problem's ERC set ([Pri02]).
Forward containment — OT ⊆ HG #
An OT-realizable problem is HG-realizable by exponentially separated weights permuted by the ranking, with the largest violation count as the separation bound.
Strict containment — the cumulativity gap #
HG with non-negative weights strictly contains OT. The witness is [CP11b]'s
abstract Lyman's Law instance after [IM86], in which faithful candidates violate
{M1}, {M2}, and {M1, M2} against an unfaithful {F} and only the third input targets
the unfaithful output. The weights [3, 2, 2] realize it, since 2 + 2 > 3 holds on the
third input only, while the winner–loser ERCs F ≫ M1, F ≫ M2, and "some markedness
constraint above F" are inconsistent.
Realizability by a partial order #
A grammar r POC-realizes the target if every consistent extension
realizes it. Since consistent extensions always exist
(exists_isConsistent), this is never vacuous.
Equations
- P.realizedByPartialOrder r = ∀ (σ : OptimalityTheory.Ranking (Fin n) n), OptimalityTheory.IsConsistent r σ → P.realizedByRanking σ
Instances For
A RealizationProblem is POC-realizable if some partial order
categorically realizes the target.
Equations
- P.IsPartialOrderRealizable = ∃ (r : Fin n → Fin n → Prop), IsPartialOrder (Fin n) r ∧ P.realizedByPartialOrder r
Instances For
Containments — OT ⊆ POC, POC ⊆ OT (categorical) #
Every partial-order-realized target is OT-realized, since any single consistent extension realizes it.
Every OT-realized target is partial-order-realized — the witness is the σ-induced total ranking, whose unique consistent extension is σ itself.
Under categorical realizability, OT and partial orders coincide; the partial order's advantage is probabilistic, the uniform measure on its linear extensions.