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Linglib.Phenomena.ScalarImplicatures.ExhaustivityLimit

RSA L1 at α → ∞ recovers Fox's exh @cite{fox-2007} #

This file proves the concrete connection between RSA pragmatic inference and Neo-Gricean exhaustification for the simplest non-trivial case: the Horn scale ⟨some, all⟩.

Setup. Two utterances (weak = "some", strong = "all") and two worlds (weakOnly = "some but not all", both = "all"). A belief-based RSA speaker S1 chooses utterances proportional to L0(w|u)^α, where L0 is the literal listener posterior under a uniform prior.

Main result (l1_weak_weakOnly_tendsto_one): The pragmatic listener L1, hearing "some", assigns probability converging to 1 to the "some but not all" world as α → ∞. This IS the scalar implicature: some ∧ ¬all.

Connection to Fox 2007 (§5): Fox's innocent-exclusion computation on the same scale yields exh(some) = some ∧ ¬all — true at weakOnly, false at both. The RSA limit concentrates on exactly the worlds where exh returns true.

The proof factors through two key steps:

  1. At the weakOnly world, "all" is false so S1(some|weakOnly) = 1 exactly (for any α > 0), since rpow(0, α) = 0.
  2. At the both world, "all" is strictly more informative (L0 = 1 vs 1/2), so rpow_luce_eq_softmax converts the rpow ratio to a softmax, and tendsto_softmax_infty_not_max gives S1(some|both) → 0.

Position in the limit chain #

The general RSA→IBR limit theorem (rsa_speaker_to_ibr in IBR/RSABridge.lean) shows that RSA S1 concentrates on the IBR-optimal message as α → ∞ for any InterpGame. This file instantiates that general result for the specific Horn scale ⟨some, all⟩.

Combined with ibr_equals_exhMW (ScalarGames.lean) and @cite{denic-2023}'s entailment_invariant_across_domain_size (Denic2023.lean), the chain shows that RSA cannot escape domain-size blindness in the high-rationality limit — probabilistic mechanisms (like informativeness-based pruning) are the only way out.

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noncomputable def Phenomena.ScalarImplicatures.ExhaustivityLimit.s1 (α : ) (w : ScaleW) (u : ScaleU) :

S1(u|w, α) = rpow(L0(w|u), α) / Σ_u' rpow(L0(w|u'), α).

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    At weakOnly: s1(weak) = 1 for α > 0. "strong" is false, so rpow(0, α) = 0 — "weak" is the only live option.

    theorem Phenomena.ScalarImplicatures.ExhaustivityLimit.s1_weak_both_tendsto_zero :
    Filter.Tendsto (fun (α : ) => s1 α ScaleW.both ScaleU.weak) Filter.atTop (nhds 0)

    S1(weak | both, α) → 0 as α → ∞. "strong" (L0 = 1) is more informative than "weak" (L0 = 1/2), so the softmax speaker concentrates on "strong".

    Scalar implicature limit: L1(weakOnly | weak, α) → 1 as α → ∞.

    The pragmatic listener hearing "some" concentrates on worlds where "all" is false. This IS the scalar implicature: some ∧ ¬all.

    Alternative set as a Finset (Finset ScaleW): the prejacent and the strong scalemate, each represented by its world support.

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      The exhaustified prejacent as a Finset ScaleW.

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        Fox's innocent exclusion concentrates the meaning on weakOnly: exh(some) = some ∧ ¬all, true exactly at the world where the strong alternative fails.

        The world where L1 concentrates is exactly where exhIE returns true.

        exhIE excludes the "both" world — L1 assigns probability 0 there.

        @[implicit_reducible]

        AlternativeSource instance for the {weak, strong} scale.

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        Exhaustifying via AlternativeSource agrees with the hand-crafted alternative set.

        This validates the full pipeline: AlternativeSource instance → meanings (via interp = meaning) → exhIE → exhaustified meaning.