Documentation

Linglib.Theories.Semantics.Alternatives.Lexical

structure Alternatives.HornScale (α : Type) :

Horn scale: list of expressions ordered by semantic strength.

  • members : List α

    Members ordered from weakest to strongest.

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    def Alternatives.instReprHornScale.repr {α✝ : Type} [Repr α✝] :
    HornScale α✝Std.Format
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      @[implicit_reducible]
      instance Alternatives.instReprHornScale {α✝ : Type} [Repr α✝] :
      Repr (HornScale α✝)
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      def Alternatives.scalePosition {α : Type} [BEq α] (s : HornScale α) (x : α) :
      Option
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        def Alternatives.isWeaker {α : Type} [BEq α] (s : HornScale α) (x y : α) :
        Bool
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          def Alternatives.isStronger {α : Type} [BEq α] (s : HornScale α) (x y : α) :
          Bool
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            def Alternatives.strongerAlternatives {α : Type} [BEq α] (s : HornScale α) (x : α) :
            List α
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              def Alternatives.weakerAlternatives {α : Type} [BEq α] (s : HornScale α) (x : α) :
              List α
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                      Quantifier world: domain of size maxN with count of entities satisfying property.

                      • count : Fin (maxN + 1)

                        How many entities satisfy the predicate (0 to maxN).

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                        def Alternatives.Quantifiers.instDecidableEqQuantWorld.decEq {maxN✝ : } (x✝ x✝¹ : QuantWorld maxN✝) :
                        Decidable (x✝ = x✝¹)
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                          def Alternatives.Quantifiers.instReprQuantWorld.repr {maxN✝ : } :
                          QuantWorld maxN✝Std.Format
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                            def Alternatives.Quantifiers.worldMeaning (maxN : ) :
                            QuantExprQuantWorld maxNBool

                            Intensional meaning: quantifier as function from worlds to truth values.

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                              def Alternatives.Quantifiers.allWorlds (maxN : ) :
                              List (QuantWorld maxN)
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                                      Numerals and Horn Scales #

                                      @cite{horn-1972} @cite{kennedy-2015}

                                      Numerals are NOT represented as a HornScale here because:

                                      1. Under lower-bound semantics, numerals do form a scale (⟨1, 2, 3,...⟩), but it is infinite — a finite HornScale list can't represent it correctly ("five" would have no stronger alternatives).

                                      2. Under bilateral semantics, numerals are non-monotonic and do NOT form a Horn scale at all. The relevant alternatives are {bare n, Class A n, Class B n}, not other numerals.

                                      Both cases are handled in Theories/Semantics/Numerals/Basic.lean:

                                      Singular/Plural as a Horn Scale #

                                      @cite{sauerland-2003} @cite{spector-2007} @cite{tieu-etal-2020}

                                      The singular and plural morphemes form a Horn scale ⟨singular, plural⟩ where singular ("a giraffe") is the stronger alternative to plural ("giraffes").

                                      Under the implicature approach to multiplicity inferences, the plural literally means "one or more" and the "more than one" inference arises as a scalar implicature: the listener reasons that the speaker chose the weaker "giraffes" over the stronger "a giraffe," implying that the singular alternative is false — hence more than one.

                                      This scale is structurally unusual: the alternatives differ in morphology (number marking), not in lexical choice (unlike some/all, or/and).

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                                          Singular is stronger: "a giraffe" entails "giraffes" (one or more).

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                                            def Alternatives.scalarImplicatures {α : Type} [BEq α] (s : HornScale α) (x : α) :
                                            List α
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                                                  Sentence polarity determines monotonicity context: positive sentences are upward-entailing, negative are downward-entailing. This is the Ladusaw (1979) / Fauconnier (1975) connection.

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                                                    structure Alternatives.SemanticScale (World : Type u_1) :
                                                    Type u_1

                                                    A Horn scale with semantic content: a pair of propositions where stronger entails weaker but not vice versa.

                                                    This is the proposition-level counterpart of HornScale α (form-level). The entailment asymmetry drives scalar implicatures via exhaustification.

                                                    • name : String

                                                      Name of the scale

                                                    • weakerTerm : String

                                                      The weaker scalar term (e.g., "some")

                                                    • strongerTerm : String

                                                      The stronger scalar term (e.g., "all")

                                                    • weaker : WorldProp

                                                      Semantic denotation of weaker term

                                                    • stronger : WorldProp

                                                      Semantic denotation of stronger term

                                                    • entailment (w : World) : self.stronger wself.weaker w

                                                      Stronger entails weaker

                                                    • nonTrivial : ¬∀ (w : World), self.weaker wself.stronger w

                                                      Weaker does not entail stronger (non-trivial scale)

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                                                      def Alternatives.SemanticScale.alts {World : Type u_1} (s : SemanticScale World) :
                                                      Set (WorldProp)

                                                      Alternative set for a semantic scale: {weaker, stronger}.

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                                                        Worlds for quantifier scale: number satisfying predicate (0 to 3).

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                                                          "Some Ps are Q" = at least one.

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                                                            "All Ps are Q" = all three.

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                                                              All entails some.

                                                              Some does not entail all.

                                                              The some/all semantic scale.

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                                                                Worlds for connective scale.

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                                                                    And entails or.

                                                                    Or does not entail and.

                                                                    The or/and semantic scale.

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                                                                      Worlds for modal scale: accessibility relation outcomes.

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                                                                          Necessary entails possible.

                                                                          Possible does not entail necessary.

                                                                          The possible/necessary semantic scale.

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                                                                            An alternative source generates candidate alternatives for an expression.

                                                                            Alternatives include the expression itself (standard convention). The exhaustification operator (exhB) determines which alternatives to exclude — the source just provides the candidates.

                                                                            • alternatives : FormList Form

                                                                              Candidate alternatives to x, including x itself.

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                                                                              Build an AlternativeSource from any HornScale.

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                                                                                Which Horn scale a closed-class expression belongs to, and where.

                                                                                Numerals are excluded: under lower-bound semantics they form an infinite scale (not representable as a finite HornScale), and under bilateral semantics they don't form a scale at all.

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                                                                                  def Alternatives.instDecidableEqScaleMembership.decEq (x✝ x✝¹ : ScaleMembership) :
                                                                                  Decidable (x✝ = x✝¹)
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                                                                                      def Alternatives.scaleOf :
                                                                                      StringOption ScaleMembership

                                                                                      Look up the scale position of a word form.

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