Documentation

Linglib.Phenomena.Reduplication.Studies.McCarthyPrince1995

McCarthy & Prince (1995): Faithfulness and Reduplicative Identity #

@cite{mccarthy-prince-1995}

Formalizes the core empirical results of Correspondence Theory: the interaction between I-O faithfulness, B-R identity, and phonological markedness produces three typological patterns in the Basic Model — non-application, emergence of the unmarked, and overapplication — via ranking permutation of universal constraints. A fourth pattern, normal application, requires additional candidates beyond the Basic Model and is demonstrated by concrete language examples.

The paper's most striking theoretical result (§5) is that underapplication is not a Basic Model category: no ranking of the three core constraints can produce it. We prove this as basic_model_no_underapplication.

Sections (keyed to the paper's numbering) #

Javanese h-deletion (ex. 1, 6-7) #

Javanese disallows h between vowels (*VhV). In reduplication, h is lost in both base and reduplicant (overapplication): the expected form *bədah–bəda–e is avoided in favor of bəda–bəda–e, maintaining B-R identity at the cost of I-O faithfulness.

Ranking: IDENT-BR, *VhV >> MAX-IO

Candidates for RED-bədah + -e in Javanese. Each represents a different resolution of the *VhV vs. B-R identity conflict.

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      IDENT-BR: penalizes featural mismatch between base and reduplicant. Only the normal candidate has B ≠ R (B retains h, R lacks it).

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        *VhV: markedness constraint against intervocalic h. Violated by under (h in both B and R) and normal (h in B).

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          MAX-IO: I-O faithfulness — penalizes deletion from the input. Only the over candidate deletes h from the input stem.

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            Overapplication wins in Javanese: the doubly h-lacking form bəda–bəda–e is optimal under IDENT-BR, *VhV >> MAX-IO.

            This is the paper's central empirical result: B-R identity and phonological markedness both outrank I-O faithfulness, so the output sacrifices faithfulness to achieve both identity and phonological well-formedness.

            Grounding the Javanese tableau in Corr #

            The constraints javMaxIO, javIdentBR, javStarVhV above stipulate violation counts via λ-tables. This section adds the structural substrate: each candidate is associated with a Corr Phonology.Correspondence.RedupRole Seg recording the input → base / base ↔ reduplicant correspondences. MAX-IO and "IDENT-BR" violation counts are then derived from Corr.maxViol rather than stipulated.

            The 3-role substrate (RedupRole, Corr.reduplication, Reduplication.maxIO/maxBR) lives in Theories/Phonology/OptimalityTheory/Correspondence.lean — paper-agnostic and reusable across reduplicative studies (Balangao, Akan, Tagalog, …). This section supplies only the Javanese-specific data + agreement theorems.

            (*VhV remains a markedness constraint with no Corr-derived form — markedness is structural over a single output, not a correspondence relation.)

            Phonological segments for the Javanese stem. Minimal abstract inventory (just the contrasts that matter for h-deletion).

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                The input stem /bədah/ (5 segments).

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                  The base output [bəda] (h deleted, 4 segments). For .over.

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                    The base output [bədah] (h preserved, 5 segments). For .under/.normal.

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                      The Corr for the over candidate: h deleted from base and reduplicant.

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                        The Corr for the under candidate: h preserved everywhere.

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                          The Corr for the normal candidate: h preserved in base, not in reduplicant. The default Corr.reduplication constructor uses parallel-pair correspondence truncated to min-length, which gives the right BR-MAX count (1 violation: base position 4 = h has no R correspondent).

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                            Structural derivation of MAX-IO: the Corr-derived MAX-IO violation count equals the original stipulated javMaxIO.eval. The deletion-based stipulation (mkMax "MAX-IO" (· = .over)) now follows from the structural fact that over's base lacks an input correspondent.

                            Structural derivation of "IDENT-BR": the original constraint (mkIdent "IDENT-BR" (· = .normal)) is empirically MAX-BR — it penalizes the normal candidate's base-only h (which has no R correspondent). The structural count from Corr.maxViol .base .reduplicant matches the stipulation.

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                            The Javanese tableau as NamedConstraint (Corr RedupRole Seg)s. These are direct uses of the paper-agnostic Phonology.Correspondence.Reduplication.maxIO / maxBR — no Javanese-specific constraint construction needed.

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                              Balangao partial reduplication (ex. 106-107) #

                              Balangao has a disyllabic prefixed reduplicant without a final coda: /RED-tagtag/ → tagta–tagtag, not *tagtag–tagtag. The reduplicant obeys NO-CODA even though the base (and the language generally) permits codas. This is emergence of the unmarked: a marked structure (codas) is avoided in the reduplicant because B-R identity is low-ranked.

                              Ranking (ex. 107): MAX-IO >> NO-CODA >> MAX-BR

                              Candidates for /RED-tagtag/ in Balangao. Violation counts from the paper's tableau (ex. 106).

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                                  MAX-IO: penalizes deletion from input. Only totalFaithful deletes a segment from the base.

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                                    NO-CODA: markedness constraint against syllable codas. Violation counts from the tableau (ex. 106):

                                    • totalFaithful (tagta–tagta): 2 codas (medial g in each half)
                                    • totalRedup (tagtag–tagtag): 4 codas
                                    • partial (tagta–tagtag): 3 codas (2 in base, 1 in R medial)
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                                      MAX-BR: B-R identity — penalizes incomplete copying. Only partial has a segment in the base without a correspondent in the reduplicant (the final coda).

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                                        Emergence of the unmarked in Balangao: the partial reduplicant tagta–tagtag is optimal under MAX-IO >> NO-CODA >> MAX-BR.

                                        The reduplicant is coda-free even though the base and the language generally permit codas — because B-R identity (MAX-BR) is low-ranked, the unmarked (coda-free) structure emerges in the reduplicant.

                                        Grounding the Balangao tableau in Corr #

                                        Mirroring the Javanese §1.5 refactor: the MAX-IO and MAX-BR violation counts now follow from the structural correspondence diagram via Corr.maxViol, rather than being stipulated as λ-tables. NO-CODA is markedness over a single output and stays as the original stipulation.

                                        Phonological segments for the Balangao stem. Minimal abstract inventory (just the contrasts that matter for tagtag-reduplication).

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                                            The input stem /tagtag/ (6 segments).

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                                              The faithful base output [tagtag] (6 segments). For .totalRedup and .partialRedup.

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                                                The deleted base output [tagta] (5 segments, final g deleted). For .totalFaithful (counter-intuitively named: it deletes from the input to make the base match the reduplicant's coda-less shape).

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                                                  The full reduplicant [tagtag] (6 segments) for .totalRedup.

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                                                    The partial (coda-less) reduplicant [tagta] (5 segments) for .totalFaithful and .partialRedup.

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                                                      The Corr for the totalFaithful candidate: input deleted to fit the coda-less shape (1 MAX-IO violation); B = R structurally.

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                                                        The Corr for the totalRedup candidate: full faithful copy everywhere; 0 MAX-IO, 0 MAX-BR violations.

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                                                          The Corr for the partialRedup candidate: faithful base, but reduplicant misses the final coda (1 MAX-BR violation, 0 MAX-IO).

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                                                            Structural derivation of MAX-IO: the Corr-derived MAX-IO violation count equals the original stipulated balMaxIO.eval.

                                                            Structural derivation of MAX-BR: the Corr-derived MAX-BR violation count equals the original stipulated balMaxBR.eval.

                                                            Basic Model (§4) #

                                                            The Basic Model has faithfulness constraints on two correspondence dimensions — I-O faithfulness and B-R identity — interacting with a phonological markedness constraint ("Phono-Constraint"). Permuting the three constraints produces the factorial typology.

                                                            We model this with an abstract candidate type carrying violation profiles, and verify the distinct optima across all 6 rankings.

                                                            Abstract candidate for the Basic Model interaction space. Each candidate represents a different resolution of the three-way conflict between I-O faithfulness, phonological well-formedness, and B-R identity.

                                                            • faithful: preserves input, B=R, but phonologically marked
                                                            • over: unfaithful to input, B=R, but phonologically unmarked
                                                            • normal: preserves input, phonologically unmarked in R, but B≠R
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                                                                      Non-application ranking (ex. 104): IO-Faith, BR-Id >> Phono. The faithful candidate wins — phonology cannot affect anything.

                                                                      Non-application (symmetric): BR-Id, IO-Faith >> Phono. Same outcome — faithful candidate wins regardless of IO/BR order.

                                                                      Emergence of the unmarked (ex. 105): IO-Faith >> Phono >> BR-Id. The normal candidate wins — phonology affects the reduplicant (low BR-Id), but the base is protected (high IO-Faith).

                                                                      Overapplication: Phono >> IO-Faith >> BR-Id. The over candidate wins — phonological unmarking applies to both B and R, sacrificing IO faithfulness.

                                                                      Overapplication: BR-Id >> Phono >> IO-Faith. B-R identity copies phonological effects to both B and R.

                                                                      Factorial typology summary: all 6 rankings of 3 constraints produce exactly 3 distinct optima — faithful (non-application), normal (emergence of the unmarked), and over (overapplication).

                                                                      The 4th interaction type from the paper — normal application — requires additional candidates (where phonology targets the reduplicant independently) and is demonstrated by the Balangao and Tagalog examples in §§3-5 rather than the abstract model.

                                                                      Underapplication is not a Basic Model category (§5) #

                                                                      @cite{mccarthy-prince-1995} §5 argues that underapplication cannot emerge from the Basic Model. Unlike overapplication and emergence of the unmarked, which follow from ranking permutations of {IO-Faith, Phono, BR-Id}, underapplication requires an additional independent constraint (like the OCP in Akan) that blocks the overapplicational candidate. In the Basic Model, B-R identity can restrict the candidate set to B=R pairs, but within that set the choice between over and under is determined by Phono-Constraint — and Phono-Constraint always prefers the phonologically unmarked form (= over), never the marked form (= under).

                                                                      The factorial typology theorem already proves this: .faithful (non- application), .over (overapplication), and .normal (emergence of the unmarked) are the only optima. No ranking produces a 4th outcome.

                                                                      Underapplication impossibility: every ranking of the Basic Model selects one of faithful, over, or normal. No ranking can select an underapplicational candidate because the Basic Model has no independent blocking constraint to exclude overapplication.

                                                                      This is the formal content of @cite{mccarthy-prince-1995} §5's argument that underapplication requires an additional constraint beyond the three in the Basic Model.

                                                                      The factorial typology produces exactly 3 distinct language types, not 4 — confirming that underapplication is absent from the Basic Model.

                                                                      Akan underapplication (ex. 125, 130–131) #

                                                                      Akan has a monosyllabic reduplicative prefix with a high vowel. Palatalization (velar → palatal before front vowels) is productive in the language but fails to apply in reduplication: /RED-ka/ surfaces as kɪ–ka, not *tɕɪ–tɕa (overapplication) or *tɕɪ–ka (normal application).

                                                                      This is underapplication: a process that normally applies (PAL) is blocked in reduplication. The mechanism is a 4th constraint — OCP(+cor) — that blocks the overapplicational candidate. Since B-R identity (IDENT-BR) is high-ranked, normal application is also blocked, leaving underapplication as the only survivor.

                                                                      Ranking (ex. 129, 131): OCP(+cor) >> IDENT-BR(−cor) >> PAL >> IDENT-IO(−cor)

                                                                      This confirms the Basic Model impossibility result: underapplication requires a blocking constraint (here OCP) beyond the three in the Basic Model.

                                                                      Candidates for /RED-ka/ in Akan (ex. 130). Each represents a different resolution of the palatalization vs. B-R identity vs. OCP conflict.

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                                                                          OCP(+cor): prohibits cooccurrence of [+coronal] segments in successive syllables. The overapplicational candidate tɕɪ–tɕa has coronal obstruents in both syllables of the output.

                                                                          Violation counts from tableau (131):

                                                                          • over (tɕɪ–tɕa): 2 violations (coronal in each syllable of B+R)
                                                                          • normal (tɕɪ–ka): 0
                                                                          • under (kɪ–ka): 0
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                                                                            IDENT-BR(−cor): B-R identity for the [−coronal] feature. Penalizes featural mismatch between base and reduplicant consonants. Only the normal candidate has B ≠ R (R has palatalized tɕ, B retains velar k).

                                                                            Violation counts from tableau (131):

                                                                            • over (tɕɪ–tɕa): 0 (B = R)
                                                                            • normal (tɕɪ–ka): 1 (R ≠ B in coronal feature)
                                                                            • under (kɪ–ka): 0 (B = R)
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                                                                              PAL: palatalization constraint — velars must be palatalized before front vowels. The underapplicational candidate kɪ–ka has a velar before the front vowel ɪ in the reduplicant.

                                                                              Violation counts from tableau (131):

                                                                              • over (tɕɪ–tɕa): 0
                                                                              • normal (tɕɪ–ka): 0
                                                                              • under (kɪ–ka): 1 (velar k before front vowel ɪ)
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                                                                                IDENT-IO(−cor): I-O faithfulness for the [−coronal] feature. Penalizes changing the coronal specification of an input segment. Only the overapplicational candidate changes the base consonant from velar to palatal (unfaithful to input /k/).

                                                                                Violation counts from tableau (131):

                                                                                • over (tɕɪ–tɕa): 1 (input /k/ → output tɕ in base)
                                                                                • normal (tɕɪ–ka): 0
                                                                                • under (kɪ–ka): 0
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                                                                                  Ranking for Akan underapplication (ex. 129, 131): OCP(+cor) >> IDENT-BR(−cor) >> PAL >> IDENT-IO(−cor)

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                                                                                    Underapplication wins in Akan: the non-palatalized form kɪ–ka is optimal under OCP(+cor) >> IDENT-BR(−cor) >> PAL >> IDENT-IO(−cor).

                                                                                    This is the paper's key demonstration that underapplication requires a 4th blocking constraint (OCP) beyond the Basic Model's three: OCP blocks overapplication, IDENT-BR blocks normal application, leaving underapplication as the only surviving candidate.

                                                                                    Grounding the Akan tableau in phonological features #

                                                                                    The violation counts in §5 are grounded in the featural representations from Fragments.Akan.Phonology. The key connection: palatalization is a [coronal] feature change (/k/ [−cor] → /tɕ/ [+cor]), and the four constraints target exactly this feature dimension.

                                                                                    The over candidate's OCP violation is grounded: /tɕ/ is [+coronal], so two /tɕ/ in successive syllables violate OCP(+cor).

                                                                                    The normal candidate's IDENT-BR violation is grounded: the reduplicant has /tɕ/ ([+cor]) but the base has /k/ ([−cor]) — a featural mismatch on [coronal].

                                                                                    The under candidate's PAL violation is grounded: /k/ is [−coronal] and /ɪ/ is [+front] — a velar before a front vowel without palatalization.

                                                                                    The over candidate's IDENT-IO violation is grounded: input /k/ is [−coronal] but output /tɕ/ is [+coronal] — an IO faithfulness violation on the [coronal] feature.

                                                                                    Grounding the Akan tableau in Corr via featural IDENT #

                                                                                    Mirroring the Javanese §1.5 / Balangao §2.5 refactors, with one addition: Akan's IDENT-BR(-cor) and IDENT-IO(-cor) are featural faithfulness constraints on the [coronal] feature, not segmental identity. This section uses Corr.identViolFeature with a coronal projection to derive the constraint values structurally.

                                                                                    This is the first study file to exercise Corr.identViolFeature (introduced in 0.230.217). Successful agreement theorems here validate the featural-IDENT pattern for any future paper using IDENT-[F] constraints.

                                                                                    Phonological segments for the Akan /RED-ka/ paradigm. The minimal abstract inventory tracking the [coronal] feature contrast.

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                                                                                        The [coronal] feature projection. Vowels are false (out of the relevant natural class for this paradigm; their featural value doesn't enter the IDENT-[coronal] computation).

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                                                                                          The Corr for the over candidate: palatalization in both B and R.

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                                                                                            The Corr for the normal candidate: palatalization in R only.

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                                                                                              The Corr for the under candidate: no palatalization.

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                                                                                                Structural derivation of IDENT-IO(-cor) via featural IDENT on the (.input, .base) edge. Input /k/ → base /tɕ/ is the only IO coronal mismatch; only over violates.

                                                                                                Structural derivation of IDENT-BR(-cor) via featural IDENT on the (.base, .reduplicant) edge. Only normal has B/R coronal mismatch (B has /k/ [-cor], R has /tɕ/ [+cor]); the vowels' coronal values agree (both [-cor] in this featural inventory).

                                                                                                Each tableau lifts to a generic ConstraintSystem via tableauSystem. For these deterministic OT analyses, the unique-winner pattern collapses the argminDecoder distribution to probability 1 on the winner.

                                                                                                Javanese overapplication tableau as a generic ConstraintSystem.

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                                                                                                  The OT prediction lifts: the overapplicational candidate is assigned probability 1 under IDENT-BR, *VhV >> MAX-IO.

                                                                                                  Balangao emergence-of-the-unmarked tableau as a generic ConstraintSystem.

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                                                                                                    The OT prediction lifts: the partial-reduplicant candidate is assigned probability 1 under MAX-IO >> NO-CODA >> MAX-BR.

                                                                                                    Akan underapplication tableau as a generic ConstraintSystem.

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                                                                                                      The OT prediction lifts: the underapplicational candidate is assigned probability 1 under OCP(+cor) >> IDENT-BR(−cor) >> PAL >> IDENT-IO(−cor).