Documentation

Linglib.Phenomena.Questions.Studies.SeeligerRepp2018

Seeliger & Repp (2018): Biased Declarative Questions #

@cite{seeliger-repp-2018} @cite{sudo-2013}

Biased declarative questions in Swedish and German: negation meets modal particles (väl and doch wohl).

Key Contributions #

  1. Distinguishes declarative questions (DQs) from rejecting questions (RQs) — both have declarative syntax but differ in bias profile.
  2. Applies @cite{sudo-2013}'s two-dimensional bias scheme (evidential × epistemic) to classify four question types: PDQ, NDQ, PRQ, NRQ.
  3. Shows that the negation in negative RQs is non-propositional — it denotes the illocutionary modifier FALSUM, not propositional negation.
  4. Proposes REJECTQ as the illocutionary operator for RQs.

Bias Profiles (@cite{sudo-2013}) #

Every declarative question type carries a bias profile: a pair of evidential and epistemic bias values. Evidential bias concerns contextual evidence; epistemic bias concerns the speaker's prior assumptions.

@cite{sudo-2013} proposes three "plus" values for bias: [+positive], [+negative], [neutral]. Evidential bias can also take "minus" values ([-positive], [-negative]). @cite{seeliger-repp-2018} extend this by allowing minus values for epistemic bias as well, capturing that DQ speakers merely didn't assume the proposition (rather than assuming the opposite).

Four Question Types (@cite{seeliger-repp-2018}, Table 1) #

TypeDenotesEvidentialEpistemicExample
PDQp+positive-positivePeter is coming?
NDQnot-p+negative-negativePeter isn't coming?
PRQp+negative+positiveSurely Peter is coming?
NRQnot-p+positive+negativeSurely Peter isn't coming?

DQs and RQs differ in that RQs are "more biased": the speaker had a specific prior assumption (epistemic bias is [+positive] or [+negative]), and the contextual evidence conflicts with that assumption.

REJECTQ Operator (@cite{seeliger-repp-2018} §6.2, eq. 40) #

REJECTQ takes a proposition q and an illocutionary modifier IM (FALSUM or VERUM):

⟦REJECTQ⟧ = λqλIM: [IM(¬q)]^evid & [IM(q)]^epist. {IM(q), ¬IM(q)}

The two presuppositions:

  1. Evidential: [IM(¬q)]^evid — IM-determined commitment to ¬q on evidential basis
  2. Epistemic: [IM(q)]^epist — IM-determined commitment to q on epistemic basis

The at-issue content is the question {IM(q), ¬IM(q)}. FALSUM = zero commitment (used in NRQs); VERUM = full commitment (used in PRQs).

Cross-Linguistic Findings #

German: RQs obligatorily contain doch wohl — the combination is non-compositional. doch wohl enters syntactic Agree with REJECTQ at ForceP. Without doch wohl, a German declarative cannot be a RQ.

Swedish: RQs are marked by fronted negation, the modal particle väl, or both. Unlike German, Swedish has multiple formal strategies for marking RQs. väl in positive declaratives creates PDQs; combined with negation, creates NRQs.

Experimental Evidence #

@cite{seeliger-repp-2018} §5.4: acceptability judgment study (24 native Swedish speakers) testing negative declaratives with fronted vs. low negation, with and without väl, in NRQ contexts. Main effect of MODAL PARTICLE (väl raises acceptability); interaction (effect only reliable with low negation). Supports fronted-negation + väl marking NRQs.

Bias value for a single dimension (evidential or epistemic).

@cite{sudo-2013}'s system distinguishes "plus" values (positive bias for p or not-p), "neutral" (no bias), and "minus" values (incompatibility with a given bias direction).

@cite{sudo-2013} originally restricted minus values to evidential bias. @cite{seeliger-repp-2018} extend the system by allowing minus values for epistemic bias as well — needed to capture the DQ pattern where the speaker merely didn't assume the proposition ([-positive]) rather than actively assuming the opposite ([+negative]).

  • plusPos : BiasValue

    [+positive]: bias for p

  • plusNeg : BiasValue

    [+negative]: bias for not-p

  • neutral : BiasValue

    [neutral]: no bias

  • minusPos : BiasValue

    [-positive]: incompatible with bias for p

  • minusNeg : BiasValue

    [-negative]: incompatible with bias for not-p

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      A bias profile bundles evidential and epistemic bias values.

      • evidential : BiasValue

        Evidential bias: what the contextual evidence supports

      • epistemic : BiasValue

        Epistemic bias: what the speaker previously assumed

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        def SeeligerRepp2018.instDecidableEqBiasProfile.decEq (x✝ x✝¹ : BiasProfile) :
        Decidable (x✝ = x✝¹)
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            Whether a bias value is a "plus" value (active bias) or not. RQs require plus values in both dimensions; DQs have a minus value in the epistemic dimension.

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              The four types of questions with declarative syntax.

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                  The two classes: declarative questions vs. rejecting questions.

                  DQs are less biased (speaker is "prejudiced" but not committed); RQs are more biased (speaker had a specific prior assumption that conflicts with contextual evidence).

                  • declarative : DeclQuestionClass

                    Simple declarative question — speaker seeks confirmation

                  • rejecting : DeclQuestionClass

                    Rejecting question — speaker rejects what s/he sees

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                      The illocutionary modifier (IM) that occupies the ForceP specifier position in rejecting questions.

                      @cite{seeliger-repp-2018} §6.2: FALSUM and VERUM are epistemic speech-act level operators. Their structural position is:

                      [ForceP FALSUM/VERUM [Force' REJECTQ [TP ...]]]

                      FALSUM signals zero commitment to the proposition (the speaker is essentially not committed to adding q to the CG). Used in NRQs. VERUM signals full commitment (the speaker is sure q should be in the CG). Used in PRQs. In PRQs, Swedish visst/nog or an evidential version of VERUM may appear.

                      These correspond to the operators defined in Semantics.Modality.BiasedPQ (verum, mkFalsum).

                      • falsum : IllocutionaryModifier

                        FALSUM: zero commitment to q (non-propositional negation). @cite{repp-2013}: speaker is not committed to q at issue.

                      • verum : IllocutionaryModifier

                        VERUM: full commitment to q (q should be in the CG). @cite{romero-han-2004}: for-sure-CG that q should be added.

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                        @[implicit_reducible]
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                          REJECTQ — the illocutionary operator for rejecting questions.

                          @cite{seeliger-repp-2018} eq. 40: ⟦REJECTQ⟧ = λqλIM: [IM(¬q)]^evid & [IM(q)]^epist. {IM(q), ¬IM(q)}

                          REJECTQ takes a proposition q and an illocutionary modifier IM. In German, IM is determined by syntactic Agree with doch wohl. In Swedish, it is determined by the presence of FALSUM (fronted negation) or VERUM (modal particles like visst/nog).

                          • The illocutionary modifier (FALSUM or VERUM)

                          • evidentialPresupposition : Bool

                            Evidential presupposition: [IM(¬q)]^evid — on an evidential basis, the IM-determined degree of commitment to ¬q holds.

                          • epistemicPresupposition : Bool

                            Epistemic presupposition: [IM(q)]^epist — on an epistemic basis, the IM-determined degree of commitment to q holds.

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                            def SeeligerRepp2018.instDecidableEqRejectQ.decEq (x✝ x✝¹ : RejectQ) :
                            Decidable (x✝ = x✝¹)
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                                Construct a well-formed REJECTQ with both presuppositions satisfied.

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                                  Derive the evidential bias from the IM choice in REJECTQ.

                                  The evidential presupposition is [IM(¬q)]^evid:

                                  • IM = VERUM: evidence strongly supports ¬q → evidential [+negative] (VERUM(¬q) = full commitment to ¬q on evidential basis)
                                  • IM = FALSUM: evidence yields zero commitment to ¬q → evidential [+positive] (FALSUM(¬q) = not committed to ¬q → by contrast, evidence for q)
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                                    Derive the epistemic bias from the IM choice in REJECTQ.

                                    The epistemic presupposition is [IM(q)]^epist:

                                    • IM = VERUM: speaker is epistemically sure q should be in CG → epistemic [+positive] (speaker assumed q)
                                    • IM = FALSUM: speaker has zero epistemic commitment to q → epistemic [+negative] (by pragmatic strengthening in the RQ context, zero commitment to q implies belief in ¬q)
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                                      The bias profile derived from REJECTQ's presuppositions.

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                                        DQ bias profiles are observational — DQs are not marked by REJECTQ, so their profiles don't derive from the IM parameter. Instead, DQs require contextual evidence matching the declarative polarity, and the speaker must not have already assumed the declarative's content.

                                        @cite{seeliger-repp-2018}: "DQs pattern with each other" (p. 136).

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                                          RQ bias profiles are fully derived from the IM choice — they come out of rejectQBiasProfile, not independent stipulation.

                                          RQs have conflicting biases: evidential and epistemic target opposite polarities. This is what makes them "rejecting" — the speaker sees evidence against what s/he believed.

                                          Follows from the REJECTQ structure: IM(¬q) and IM(q) target opposite polarities by construction.

                                          DQs have compatible biases: evidential matches declarative polarity, epistemic is merely "minus" (speaker didn't assume, rather than actively assuming the opposite).

                                          RQ epistemic bias is always "plus" (active commitment); DQ epistemic bias is always "minus" (non-commitment). This is the defining difference between the two classes.

                                          NRQ is a subset of PDQ contexts: both require +positive evidential bias, but NRQs additionally require the speaker to have assumed ¬p (@cite{seeliger-repp-2018} p. 138: "a NRQ is used in a subset of the situations where a PDQ can be used").

                                          PRQ is a subset of NDQ contexts: both require +negative evidential bias, but PRQs additionally require the speaker to have assumed p.

                                          VERUM and FALSUM produce opposite evidential biases — they interpret the evidence in opposite directions.

                                          NRQ evidential bias maps to Romero's "evidence for p" — the same contextual evidence configuration that licenses HiNQs.

                                          All RQ bias values have Romero counterparts (they are all "plus" values). DQ epistemic "minus" values do not — this is precisely where Sudo's system extends Romero's.

                                          Swedish väl is question-inducing — declaratives with väl are questions, not assertions (@cite{seeliger-repp-2018} §5.2).

                                          Swedish väl requires evidential bias — it is felicitous only in contexts with contextual evidence for the proposition, matching the evidential bias of PDQs and NRQs.

                                          Swedish väl signals epistemic uncertainty — the speaker suspects p is true but is not certain. This corresponds to the [-positive] epistemic bias of PDQs (speaker did not already assume p).

                                          German doch wohl requires both bias dimensions to be active, consistent with the fact that RQs have both evidential and epistemic presuppositions in the REJECTQ definition (eq. 40). Both presuppositions must be satisfied for REJECTQ to be felicitous.

                                          doch wohl is not usable in assertions — it marks questions.

                                          doch wohl requires both bias dimensions to be "plus" (active bias), matching the derived RQ property that RQ epistemic bias is always active. This connects the Fragment entry to the theory-level theorem rq_epistemic_is_plus.

                                          Both Swedish väl and German doch wohl require evidential bias. This reflects the shared property that both languages require contextual evidence for DQs/RQs.

                                          German doch wohl additionally requires epistemic bias, while Swedish väl signals epistemic uncertainty — a weaker condition. This corresponds to the difference between RQs (epistemic commitment) and DQs (epistemic non-commitment): doch wohl marks RQs (plus epistemic), väl marks DQs (minus epistemic).

                                          German denn (flavoring particle) differs from doch wohl (RQ marker): denn highlights contextual evidence without requiring epistemic commitment. doch wohl requires both.

                                          doch wohl is a two-particle complex with conventionalized meaning. @cite{seeliger-repp-2018} §4.2: the combination does not receive a compositional interpretation. If it were compositional, doch wohl should have a reading combining conflict (doch) + reportativity (wohl), but this reading is unavailable in RQs.

                                          The doch in doch wohl has a different meaning from polarity- reversal doch (as in Fragments.German.PolarityMarking.dochPreUtterance). In RQs, doch has a "conflict" meaning — it signals surprise or realization — rather than the "reminding" function of assertive doch.

                                          German doch is formally ambiguous between two distinct roles:

                                          1. Polarity-reversal doch: pre-utterance correction particle that contradicts a negative antecedent (@cite{holmberg-2016})
                                          2. RQ-marking doch: part of the doch wohl complex that enters Agree with REJECTQ at ForceP (@cite{seeliger-repp-2018})

                                          The two share the surface form "doch" but differ in:

                                          • Syntactic position: polarity doch is pre-utterance; RQ doch wohl is in the middle field
                                          • Function: polarity doch reverses polarity; RQ doch signals conflict between evidence and prior belief
                                          • Obligatoriness: polarity doch is optional (Verum focus available); RQ doch wohl is obligatory for German RQs

                                          RQ bias values all have Romero counterparts (they are all "plus" values); DQ epistemic "minus" values do not — this is precisely where @cite{sudo-2013}'s system (as extended by @cite{seeliger-repp-2018}) goes beyond @cite{romero-2024}.

                                          Layer assignments for the question-inducing modal particles discussed by @cite{seeliger-repp-2018}, placed in the @cite{dayal-2025} cartography [SAP [PerspP [CP ...]]]. The _ argument is unused: the layer is a theoretical overlay on the fragment particle, not a computed property of its lexical fields.

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                                            Both modal-particle complexes that mark RQs/DQs in this study sit at PerspP — the layer for biased, matrix-only question particles.