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Linglib.Phenomena.Presupposition.Studies.Glass2025

Glass (2025): Attested versus unattested contrafactive belief verbs #

@cite{glass-2025} @cite{glass-2023} @cite{roberts-ozyildiz-2025}

Semantics and Pragmatics 18, Article 8: 1-17.

Key Claims #

  1. Two ways to negate the factive presupposition: A contrafactive could require ¬p (all CG worlds are ¬p worlds) or require compatibility with ¬p (some CG world is a ¬p world).

  2. Strong contrafactives are unattested: No verb presupposes ¬p (requiring CG ⊨ ¬p). This follows from the Predicate Lexicalization Constraint (@cite{roberts-ozyildiz-2025}): ¬p cannot causally support B(x)(p).

  3. Weak contrafactives exist: Mandarin yǐwéi (@cite{glass-2023}) has a postsupposition ◇¬p — after utterance, the CG must be compatible with ¬p. This is a definedness condition on the output context, not a presupposition on the input context.

  4. Revised question: "Why are there belief verbs like know (CG ⊨ p) and yǐwéi (CG ◇ ¬p), but none like contra (CG ⊨ ¬p)?"

Formalization Strategy #

Belief verb denotations are PrProp W values produced by DoxasticPredicate.toPrProp. The presup field captures the factive presupposition (or lack thereof). yǐwéi's postsupposition is a separate Core.Postsupposition value. The PresupClass classification and PLC validation from Doxastic.lean derive the contrafactive gap.

Minimal 2-world model for exercising Table 1.

@[implicit_reducible]
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Instances For

    Construct presuppositional denotations for four verb types directly from veridicality, matching @cite{glass-2025} Table 1.

    We define the presup fields directly (rather than instantiating full DoxasticPredicates) to keep the model minimal. The connection to DoxasticPredicate.toPrProp is established by the classification theorems in §4.

    Table 1 from @cite{glass-2025}: possible states of the Common Ground after updating with each utterance.

    UtteranceProjective contentp◇p ∧ ◇¬pnot-p
    x knows prequires p
    x thinks p(none)
    x yǐwéi prequires ◇(¬p)
    x contra prequires ¬p

    We verify this by checking the presup field against each context type.

    Each English/Mandarin attitude verb's PresupClass is DERIVED from its veridicality in the Fragment entry. These theorems will BREAK if:

    1. A verb's attitude changes
    2. The classifyVeridicality function changes
    3. The veridicality derivation from Attitude changes

    yǐwéi is classified as nonfactive by veridicality (§4), but it has an additional postsupposition ◇¬p that is NOT derivable from veridicality. This postsupposition is flagged in the Fragment layer and interpreted here.

    yǐwéi's veridicality gives nonfactive — no presupposition.

    The postsupposition IS necessary: veridicality alone gives .nonfactive (no presupposition), but yǐwéi actually has a weak contrafactive postsupposition. Without postsupType, this would be invisible.

    The contrafactive gap DERIVED from the Predicate Lexicalization Constraint:

    This is not a stipulation — it follows from the causal structure of belief formation (@cite{roberts-ozyildiz-2025}).

    The full derivation chain: Fragment entry → attitude → veridicality → PresupClass → presupClassIsValid → PLC check

    This section exercises the complete pipeline for representative verbs.

    End-to-end: know's presupposition is satisfied in a factive context.

    End-to-end: know's presupposition fails in a neutral context.

    End-to-end: yǐwéi's postsupposition is satisfied in a neutral context (where veridicality-based presupposition is vacuously OK).

    @cite{glass-2025} §4.2 notes that yǐwéi supports neg-raising, like other nonfactive verbs. This follows from Veridicality: neg-raising is available for non-veridical predicates (@cite{gajewski-2007}, NegRaising.lean).

    Since PresupClass.nonfactive verbs are exactly the non-veridical ones, the neg-raising gap aligns with the contrafactive gap.