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Linglib.Phenomena.Possession.Studies.NicholsBickel2013

Nichols & Bickel (2013): WALS chapters on possession (57A, 58A, 58B, 59A) #

@cite{nichols-bickel-2013} @cite{wals-2013}

The four WALS chapters by Nichols & Bickel (2013):

This study file holds cross-linguistic generalisations that consume the Fragment-side def possession : PossessionProfile data with non-trivial semantic content (oceanic_have_classification, head_marking_mostly_complex, have_verb_implies_not_head_marking, etc.), plus corpus-level WALS distribution claims that depend on filtering by chapter value.

Per-language Fragment-vs-WALS data-equality theorems are deliberately absent — verifying that Fragments.X.Possession.possession.field equals Data.WALS.lookup "iso" is "encoding conclusions as definitions": the two would have to silently diverge for the theorem to fail, and the typed Fragment value already encodes the WALS coding at definition site.

The WALS-aggregate sample-size and dominance theorems live in the substrate (Linglib/Typology/Possession.lean) per the project's "WALS goes to Linglib/Typology/" rule.

The 19-language sample drawn from per-language Fragment Possession files.

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    Count of languages in the sample with a given predicative strategy.

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      Count of languages in the sample with a given adnominal strategy.

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        In the sample, every language with a have-verb strategy for predicative possession uses dependent-marking or juxtaposition for adnominal possession; none use head-marking. This reflects a structural parallel: have-verb treats the possessor as subject (a dependent-marking strategy at the clause level).

        theorem Phenomena.Possession.Studies.NicholsBickel2013.head_marking_mostly_complex_possession :
        have headLangs := List.filter (fun (x : Typology.Possession.PossessionProfile) => x.isHeadMarking) allLanguages; have complexHeadLangs := List.filter (fun (p : Typology.Possession.PossessionProfile) => p.hasObligatoryPossession || p.hasClassification) headLangs; headLangs.length = 5 complexHeadLangs.length = 4

        In the sample, most head-marking languages have either obligatory possessive inflection or possessive classification. Four of five head-marking languages show complex possession systems, reflecting the structural affinity between head-marking and elaborate possessive morphology on the possessed noun. Swahili is the exception: head-marking via noun-class agreement but no obligatory possession or classification.

        In the sample, locational/existential predicative possession is the most widespread strategy (9 languages: Russian, Finnish, Hungarian, Korean, Georgian, Hawaiian, Fijian, Tsotsil, Tseltal). The Eurasian "habeo-less" belt stretches from Finland through Korea, and locational strategies also appear in Oceanic and Mayan languages. (Turkish has a Location-Schema variant but its primary strategy is .genitiveDative.)

        In the sample, both Oceanic/Austronesian languages (Hawaiian, Fijian) have possessive classification (two-way or three-or-more). Possessive classification is an areal feature of the Pacific: the alienable/inalienable distinction is nearly universal in Oceanic.

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          Double-marking (both possessor and possessum overtly marked) appears in Turkish, Quechua, and Georgian in the sample. This is the most "redundant" strategy — both participants in the possessive relation carry morphological marking.

          All double-marking languages in the sample are agglutinative or have rich morphology (Turkish, Quechua, Georgian). This is expected: double-marking requires the morphological resources to place markers on both nouns in the possessive construction.

          theorem Phenomena.Possession.Studies.NicholsBickel2013.have_verb_mostly_no_obligatory :
          have haveLangs := List.filter (fun (x : Typology.Possession.PossessionProfile) => x.usesHaveVerb) allLanguages; have haveNoOblig := List.filter (fun (p : Typology.Possession.PossessionProfile) => !p.hasObligatoryPossession) haveLangs; haveLangs.length = 4 haveNoOblig.length = 3

          Most have-verb languages in the sample lack obligatory possessive inflection (English, Mandarin, Yoruba). Quechua is the exception: it has both a have-verb-like construction and obligatory possessive suffixes on kinship/body-part nouns. Three of four have-verb languages lack obligatory possession.

          theorem Phenomena.Possession.Studies.NicholsBickel2013.classification_and_obligatory_independent :
          have classified := List.filter (fun (x : Typology.Possession.PossessionProfile) => x.hasClassification) allLanguages; have classifiedAndObligatory := List.filter (fun (x : Typology.Possession.PossessionProfile) => x.hasObligatoryPossession) classified; classified.length = 5 classifiedAndObligatory.length = 3

          The two phenomena (classification and obligatory possession) are logically independent: a language could require possession AND classify it. In the sample, three of five classifying languages (Quechua, Tsotsil, Tseltal) also have obligatory possession; the other two (Hawaiian, Fijian) do not.

          Number of languages in the sample.

          Distribution of obligatory possession in the sample.

          Distribution of possessive classification in the sample.

          In the sample, the two most common grammaticalization sources for predicative possession are location and action.