Documentation

Linglib.Phenomena.Gradability.Studies.AlexandropoulouGotzner2024

@cite{alexandropoulou-gotzner-2024} — Gradable Adjective Interpretation Under Negation: The Role of Competition #

@cite{alexandropoulou-gotzner-2024}

In: Glossa: a journal of general linguistics 9(1), pp. 1–33.

Thesis #

@cite{alexandropoulou-gotzner-2024} (Glossa) tests whether the asymmetric vs. symmetric interpretation patterns of negated relative vs. absolute gradable adjectives — established in their @cite{alexandropoulou-gotzner-2024-jos} companion paper — depend on overt contextual competition between alternative expressions. The Glossa paper finds that contextual competition is necessary to surface the polarity asymmetry of relative adjectives but does not discriminate the symmetric interpretation patterns of weak absolute adjectives.

The structural precondition for the asymmetry remains the extension gap between contrary antonyms (two thresholds, with a borderline region) versus the absence of a gap for contradictory antonyms (single threshold, complementary partition). The competition mechanism the Glossa paper isolates operates on top of this structural distinction.

The paper situates its findings in the @cite{horn-1989} vs. @cite{krifka-2007b} controversy over the source of negative strengthening; that controversy is the central topic of the companion JoS paper, formalised in AlexandropoulouGotzner2024JoS.lean. The Krifka-2007 hidden-agreement bridge theorem (lexical commitment ↔ output of pragmatic strengthening) lives there.

Substrate consumed #

Verified citations #

PDF audit of glossa-9919-alexandropoulou.pdf confirms: the precision-shift mechanism (§7 here) is Glossa §4.2; equations (6a-b) are the contrary non-entailments. The paper has five sections (ending at §5 Conclusion) — no §6/§7/§9 paper-section refs exist; any internal "§N" labels in this file refer to the Lean file's own structure, not to the paper.

Out of scope (deferred to JoS file) #

The three-case typology (weak relative / weak absolute / strong gradable), the @cite{horn-1989} vs. @cite{krifka-2007b} prediction signatures, the strong-adjective challenge to Horn, and the Krifka 2007 hidden-agreement bridge theorem all live in AlexandropoulouGotzner2024JoS.lean.

A four-cell stimulus design: two pairs of antonymic adjectives at the weak/strong informational levels for a single dimension. The Glossa paper uses size (large/small/gigantic/tiny) as the relative case and cleanliness (clean/dirty/pristine/filthy) as the absolute case.

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          A quadruple's relative-vs-absolute classification is derived from the Fragment's scaleType: open scales (no inherent bounds) are relative; bounded scales (lower/upper/closed) are absolute. The Fragment is the single source of truth — this avoids the duplicate-stipulation pattern the cross-framework reconciler flagged in the original audit.

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            5-degree scale (matching the 1–5 Likert response scales used in the Glossa experiments).

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              Reference threshold pair: substrate-imposed θ_pos = 2, θ_neg = 1, giving a one-degree gap at deg 2. The Glossa paper does not commit to specific threshold values; this choice is a substrate convenience for stating Lean-checkable predictions.

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                For contrary antonyms (ThresholdPair), the scale partitions into three regions: positive, gap, negative. The gap is where "not positive" diverges from "negative" — the structural basis for polarity asymmetry.

                Gap holds iff the degree is neither positive nor contrary-negative.

                For contradictory antonyms (single θ), positive and antonym partition the scale with no gap: every degree satisfies exactly one. This is why absolute adjectives like clean/dirty show symmetric negation patterns in the Glossa experiments.

                Contradictory antonyms exhaust the scale. Delegates to the substrate lemma in Antonymy.lean.

                antonymMeaning is the propositional complement of positiveMeaning. Delegates to the substrate lemma in Antonymy.lean.

                positiveMeaning_monotone (Core): higher threshold ⇒ informationally stronger. This single substrate theorem grounds both: 1. Strong adjectives entail weak (gigantic ⇒ large). 2. Precision upshift entails standard (pristine-precision ⇒ standard precision; cf. Glossa §4.2 precision-shift mechanism in §7 below).

                theorem AlexandropoulouGotzner2024.strong_entails_weak (θ_weak θ_strong : Thr5) (h_ord : θ_weak θ_strong) (d : Deg5) (h_strong : Semantics.Degree.positiveMeaning d θ_strong) :

                Strong adjectives entail weak.

                Concrete witness: degree 4 is positive at the weak threshold (thr 2) BECAUSE it is positive at the strong threshold (thr 3) and monotonicity propagates.

                Precision upshift entails the standard reading: a degree satisfying "clean" at pristine precision (θ = 3) satisfies "clean" at standard precision (θ = 1). Same monotonicity theorem, different reading.

                Lean-checkable witnesses for the structural predictions the Glossa paper makes about negated contrary antonyms. Theorem names describe what the proofs actually establish, not the pragmatic phenomena the names might suggest in informal exposition (negative strengthening, middling readings) — those are pragmatic inferences from the structural facts witnessed here, not the structural facts themselves.

                At defaultTP, the bottom of the scale satisfies both "not positive" (the antonym predicate) and the contrary-negative predicate. This overlap is a necessary condition for negative strengthening (Glossa §1, Horn 1989) but does not derive the pragmatic inference.

                At defaultTP, degree 2 is in the gap: neither positive nor contrary-negative. This is the structural basis for the "middling" reading of not small discussed in the Glossa paper.

                Polarity asymmetry: there exist witnesses for both (i) "not positive ⇒ negative" overlap (deg 0) and (ii) "not negative ⇏ positive" gap (deg 2).

                Contrary non-entailment witnesses (Glossa eqs. 6a–b): (i) "not positive" does not entail "contrary negative" (deg 2 is a counterexample to not largesmall). (ii) "not negative" does not entail "positive" (deg 2 is a counterexample to not smalllarge).

                For contradictory antonyms, every degree is positive or in the antonym region — no gap. Hence symmetric negation. Demonstrated at θ = thr 2 on Deg5 via contradictory_complement.

                The Glossa paper's §4.2 proposes that absolute adjectives behaving relative-like under negation results from a precision-level shift driven by the availability of more-precise alternatives: clean in competition with a more demanding alternative reading (≈ pristine) takes the high-precision threshold, creating a structural gap.

                The precision-shifted scale is encoded as a `ThresholdPair` with the
                positive threshold raised. Note: the Glossa paper does not give an
                operational specification for *which* precision parameter applies in
                *which* discourse context; the mechanism is sketched, not formalised.
                
                @cite{haslinger-2025}'s *potential p-equivalence* substrate addresses
                related precision-shift phenomena via a different competition formalism;
                bridging the two accounts is out of scope here. 
                

                ThresholdPair for the precision-upshifted "clean" scale: θ_pos = 3 (pristine precision), θ_neg = 1 (filthy threshold) — defaultTP with the positive threshold raised one notch.

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                  The precision gap is genuine: degree 2 satisfies neither positive (at pristine precision) nor contrary-negative. Reuses §3's gap_iff_neither and the precision_gap witness.

                  Precision shift requires a shared dimension: clean can take pristine precision because the two adjectives measure the same dimension.

                  Strong absolute Fragment entries are classified as contrary (extreme absolutes have a gap, per Glossa §3 / Kennedy & McNally 2005).

                  AdjQuadruple.isRelative agrees with the experimental design: size is relative (open scale), cleanliness is absolute (closed scale). The classification is structural — it reads off the Fragment's scaleType.