@cite{ciardelli-guerrini-2026} — Against Wide Scope Free Choice #
@cite{ciardelli-guerrini-2026} @cite{zeijlstra-2007}
Semantics and Pragmatics 19(4). 2026.
The Reductionist Thesis #
The free-choice reading of sentences like "You may A or you may B" does NOT arise from the wide-scope LF ◇A ∨ ◇B. It arises from the narrow-scope LF ◇(A ∨ B). There is no separate problem of "wide-scope free choice."
The two LFs are truth-conditionally equivalent in standard modal logic
(diamond_distributes_iff). The difference is compositional: only ◇(A ∨ B)
feeds into pragmatic enrichment mechanisms (exhaustification, RSA, BSML)
that derive the conjunctive free-choice inference ◇A ∧ ◇B.
Evidence (§2) #
"MOD A COORD MOD B" sentences are systematically scope-ambiguous:
| Surface form | Wide-scope LF | Narrow-scope LF |
|---|---|---|
| may A or may B | ◇A ∨ ◇B | ◇(A ∨ B) |
| must A or must B | □A ∨ □B | □(A ∨ B) |
| may A and may B | ◇A ∧ ◇B | ◇(A ∧ B) |
Must-or-must: "You must write an essay or you must give a presentation" naturally receives the narrow-scope reading □(essay ∨ presentation) — a disjunctive obligation, not uncertainty between two obligations.
May-and-may: "You may go to Bob's party and you may go to Charlie's party" naturally receives the narrow-scope reading ◇(Bob ∧ Charlie) — permission to attend BOTH, not two separate permissions.
Compositional Mechanism (§3) #
The narrow-scope LF arises via modal concord (@cite{zeijlstra-2007}). Modal auxiliaries carry uninterpretable features [u∃/∀-MOD]. When two auxiliaries with the same feature appear in a coordination, a single silent operator [i∃/∀-MOD] c-commands the coordination and checks both features. The silent operator is semantically interpreted; the auxiliaries are vacuous. This yields Δ(A ∘ B), not ΔA ∘ ΔB.
Key Predictions (§4) #
Auxiliary vs non-auxiliary: Non-auxiliary modal constructions ("it's ok that", "be allowed to") carry interpretable features and cannot participate in concord → no FC reading in coordination.
Either position: Initial "either" does not block narrow-scope readings, contra @cite{meyer-sauerland-2017}, because the silent operator can check features from above "either."
Negation flips force for concord: derived from
ModalForce.dual— ALLOWi∃ is well-formed because ¬∀ = ∃ = dual(∀).
The Two LFs are Truth-Conditionally Equivalent #
In standard modal logic, ◇(A ∨ B) ↔ ◇A ∨ ◇B. The forward direction is
diamond_distributes (from Exhaustification/FreeChoice.lean). The
reverse is trivially provable. This equivalence is the point of C&G:
the scope distinction cannot be detected truth-conditionally — it
matters only for compositional derivation and pragmatic enrichment.
Scope availability for "MOD A COORD MOD B" sentences.
- wideOnly : ModalCoordScope
- narrowOnly : ModalCoordScope
- ambiguous : ModalCoordScope
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- CiardelliGuerrini2026.instDecidableEqModalCoordScope x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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- CiardelliGuerrini2026.instBEqModalCoordScope.beq x✝ y✝ = (x✝.ctorIdx == y✝.ctorIdx)
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A scope ambiguity datum for "MOD A COORD MOD B" sentences.
- sentence : String
- coord : String
- modalForce : Core.Modality.ModalForce
- dominantReading : String
Which reading is dominant in context?
- scopeAvailability : ModalCoordScope
Is the sentence scope-ambiguous?
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(2) "You may do A or you may do B" — FC reading from narrow-scope.
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(5) "You must write an essay or you must give a presentation."
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(7) "You may go to Bob's party and you may go to Charlie's party."
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All MOD-COORD-MOD sentences are scope-ambiguous (central claim).
Deriving Narrow-Scope LF via Modal Concord #
@cite{zeijlstra-2007}'s feature system explains how the narrow-scope LF ◇(A ∨ B) arises compositionally for "may A or may B":
- Each "may" carries [u∃-MOD] (uninterpretable existential feature)
- A silent ◇ operator [i∃-MOD] is projected above the coordination
- The silent operator checks both [u∃-MOD] features in the conjuncts
- Only the silent operator is semantically interpreted → ◇(A ∨ B)
The modal feature carried by English "may" — fully derived from the Fragment entry's force AND interpretability.
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The modal feature carried by English "must" — fully derived from Fragment.
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"May" carries [u∃-MOD]: possibility force, uninterpretable.
"Must" carries [u∀-MOD]: necessity force, uninterpretable.
The silent operator that checks a given u-feature: same force, but interpretable. This is the operator C&G posit above the coordination.
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- CiardelliGuerrini2026.silentChecker f = { force := f.force, interp := Core.Modality.ModalInterpretability.interpretable }
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Core derivation: for any u-feature, the matching silent operator checks it. This is the general form of C&G's concord mechanism — not just "may" or "must", but ANY auxiliary carrying a u-feature.
ConcordDerivation: packaging the full derivation chain #
A concord derivation witnesses that two modal features can be checked by a single silent operator. This is the formal content of @cite{ciardelli-guerrini-2026}'s compositional mechanism.
A ConcordDerivation exists iff:
- Both features are uninterpretable (u-MOD)
- They belong to the same concord class (both ∃-type or both ∀-type)
The silent operator, checking proofs, and resulting narrow-scope interpretation are all derived automatically from these two conditions.
The feature of the first modal auxiliary
The feature of the second modal auxiliary
- uInterp₁ : self.f₁.interp = Core.Modality.ModalInterpretability.uninterpretable
Both are uninterpretable
- uInterp₂ : self.f₂.interp = Core.Modality.ModalInterpretability.uninterpretable
- sameClass : Core.Modality.ConcordType.fromModalForce self.f₁.force = Core.Modality.ConcordType.fromModalForce self.f₂.force
Same concord class
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The silent interpretable operator — derived, not stipulated.
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The checker is interpretable (semantically active).
The checker checks the first feature.
The checker checks the second feature.
Construct a ConcordDerivation from two AuxEntrys. The derivation
is built entirely from Fragment data — no stipulation.
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- CiardelliGuerrini2026.ConcordDerivation.fromAux a₁ a₂ _h₁ _h₂ hI₁ hI₂ hF = { f₁ := f₁, f₂ := f₂, uInterp₁ := hI₁, uInterp₂ := hI₂, sameClass := hF }
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Universal modal properties #
The modal auxiliaries that participate in concord: all entries in the Fragment with uninterpretable features.
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Exactly 13 English modal auxiliaries carry u-features.
Modal auxiliaries with modal meaning (i.e., those that can form
ConcordDerivations). Excludes dare which has u-features but
no modal meaning specification.
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- CiardelliGuerrini2026.concordCapableModals = List.filter (fun (a : Fragments.English.Auxiliaries.AuxEntry) => a.toModalFeature.isSome) CiardelliGuerrini2026.modalAuxiliaries
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12 of 13 modal auxiliaries have derivable modal features.
Every concord-capable modal's feature is uninterpretable.
Non-modal auxiliaries have no modal feature — they cannot participate in concord at all.
Instantiations #
"May A or may B" concord derivation — fully derived from Fragment.
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"Must A or must B" concord derivation — fully derived from Fragment.
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Cross-force checking fails: silent □ cannot check "may"[u∃].
The Full Pipeline: From Lexical Features to Free Choice #
This is the deepest formalization of @cite{ciardelli-guerrini-2026}'s reductionist thesis. The pipeline has three stages:
- Feature matching →
ConcordDerivation(§3 above) - Narrow scope → single modal operator over coordination
- Exhaustification → free choice inference
The key insight: the narrow-scope / wide-scope distinction is
truth-conditionally vacuous (scope_equivalence) but pragmatically
active — exhaustification produces opposite results:
- Narrow scope: Exh²(◇(A∨B)) → ◇A ∧ ◇B (free choice: both permitted)
- Wide scope: Exh(◇A ∨ ◇B) → ¬(◇A ∧ ◇B) (exclusive: at most one)
The free choice pipeline: narrow-scope ◇(A∨B), when doubly exhaustified, yields free choice ◇A ∧ ◇B.
This IS the reductionist thesis in action: FC arises from the
narrow-scope LF (derived via concord) fed to the standard
exhaustification mechanism. Uses free_choice_forward from
Exhaustification/FreeChoice.lean.
Wide-scope exhaustification: Exh(◇A ∨ ◇B) asserts the disjunction while negating the conjunction — yielding exclusive disjunction.
This is the standard scalar implicature for disjunction: "A or B" implicates "not both."
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Wide-scope exhaustification is incompatible with free choice. FC = ◇A ∧ ◇B, but wide-scope Exh asserts ¬(◇A ∧ ◇B).
Truth-conditional equivalence: the scope distinction is semantically vacuous. ◇(A∨B) ↔ ◇A∨◇B in standard modal logic.
The Reductionist Thesis (@cite{ciardelli-guerrini-2026}, formalized).
Despite truth-conditional equivalence (scope_equivalence),
the two LFs diverge under pragmatic enrichment:
- Narrow scope + Exh² → FC (both permitted)
- Wide scope + Exh → ¬FC (at most one)
There is no separate problem of "wide-scope free choice" — the FC
reading arises exclusively from the narrow-scope LF, which is
derived via modal concord (ConcordDerivation).
Prediction: Non-Auxiliary Modals Block FC in Coordination #
@cite{meyer-sauerland-2017} observed that (19a-b) lack FC readings:
(19a) It's ok for John to sing or it's ok for John to dance. (*FC) (19b) John is allowed to sing or he is allowed to dance. (*FC)
@cite{ciardelli-guerrini-2026} explain this: "it's ok" and "be allowed" carry interpretable features. They cannot participate in concord with a higher silent operator, so no narrow-scope LF is available.
Modal auxiliaries ("may", "must", "can") carry uninterpretable features and CAN participate in concord → FC available.
The auxiliary status of "may", "must", "can", "need" is derived from
Fragments.English.FunctionWords — they are all .modal entries.
Fragment-derived: all English modals used by C&G are modal auxiliaries with uninterpretable features.
All C&G modals carry uninterpretable features in the Fragment.
Non-auxiliary modal constructions — these have no Fragment entry
because they are multi-word periphrastic constructions, not
single-word auxiliaries in Zwicky & Pullum's sense. Their absence
from the auxiliary lexicon IS the prediction: no AuxEntry →
no uninterpretable feature → no concord → no narrow-scope LF.
- form : String
- fcInCoordination : Bool
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No non-auxiliary modal construction permits FC in coordination.
Against ATB Movement (§1, ex. 3) #
@cite{simons-2005} proposed that the narrow-scope LF ◇(A ∨ B) arises from across-the-board (ATB) movement of the modal at LF. C&G note there is evidence AGAINST this: ATB movement is independently blocked for nominal quantifiers:
(3a) Everyone sang or everyone danced. (3b) Everyone sang or danced.
(3a) CANNOT be interpreted as (3b). If ATB movement of "everyone" were possible at LF, (3a) should receive the (3b) reading — but it doesn't. This undermines ATB as the mechanism for deriving narrow-scope modal LFs.
C&G's modal concord account avoids this problem: the narrow-scope LF is derived via feature checking (specific to modals), not movement (which would overgeneralize to quantifiers).
ATB counterexample data.
- surface : String
- atbReading : String
- atbReadingAvailable : Bool
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(3) "Everyone sang or everyone danced" ≠ "Everyone sang or danced."
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- CiardelliGuerrini2026.everyoneATB = { surface := "Everyone sang or everyone danced", atbReading := "Everyone sang or danced", atbReadingAvailable := false }
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Concord Across Negation (§4.2) #
Modal concord across negation requires opposite forces. The checking
uses ModalForce.dual — negation over a modal operator yields its dual:
(24) The countess allowed that I needn't do it again. ALLOWi∃ ✓ — dual(∀) = ∃, matches checker
(26) *The countess firmly demanded that I needn't do it again. *DEMANDi∀ ✗ — dual(∀) = ∃ ≠ ∀
(25) A restraining order demands that Roiland may not harass the plaintiff. DEMANDi∀ ✓ — dual(∃) = ∀, matches checker
(27) *A special permit allows that Roiland may not recycle. *ALLOWi∃ ✗ — dual(∃) = ∀ ≠ ∃
The pattern: checking across negation succeeds iff the checker's force
equals the dual of the checked item's force. This follows from
ModalFeature.checksAcrossNegation, which uses ModalForce.dual.
(24) ALLOW[i∃] checks ¬NEED[u∀]: well-formed (dual(∀) = ∃).
(26) *DEMAND[i∀] checks ¬NEED[u∀]: ill-formed (dual(∀) = ∃ ≠ ∀).
(25) DEMAND[i∀] checks ¬MAY[u∃]: well-formed (dual(∃) = ∀).
(27) *ALLOW[i∃] checks ¬MAY[u∃]: ill-formed (dual(∃) = ∀ ≠ ∃).
General pattern: cross-negation concord succeeds ↔ forces are duals.
This is the content of the negation-concord generalization from
@cite{grosz-2010} and @cite{anand-brasoveanu-2010}, formalized
as a consequence of checksAcrossNegation using ModalForce.dual.
Concord + Negation + Coordination (§4.2, ex. 28-29) #
"I need not cook and I need not clean" can convey ◇(¬Cook ∧ ¬Clean) — permission to do neither — but NOT □(¬Cook ∧ ¬Clean) — obligation to do neither. This follows from the concord-across-negation generalization.
The "need" u-feature force comes from the Fragment: necessity.
"Need" carries [u∀-MOD] in the Fragment.
The existential reading is available: ◇[i∃] checks ¬NEED[u∀].
The universal reading is blocked: □[i∀] cannot check ¬NEED[u∀].
Conjunctive Permission (§2, ex. 7-8) #
"You may go to Bob's party and you may go to Charlie's party" has a reading where Alice is allowed to go to BOTH parties: ◇(Bob ∧ Charlie).
This is distinct from ◇Bob ∧ ◇Charlie. Unlike disjunction, ◇(A ∧ B) is strictly STRONGER than ◇A ∧ ◇B — so the scope distinction has truth-conditional consequences for conjunction.
For conjunction, narrow scope is strictly stronger than wide scope: ◇(A ∧ B) → ◇A ∧ ◇B but not conversely.
Connection to Empirical Modal Concord (@cite{rotter-liu-2025}) #
@cite{rotter-liu-2025} study "must have to VP" stacking, where two necessity modals yield a single-necessity reading (concord). This is the same phenomenon C&G exploit: modal concord — one modal is semantically vacuous.
The ModalFeature.checks infrastructure from §3 models this directly: in
"must have to", one auxiliary carries [i∀-MOD] and the other [u∀-MOD].
The i-feature checks the u-feature, leaving only one semantic operator.
The empirical finding that "must have to" preserves single-necessity meaning
(meaning_must_close_to_mustHaveTo) is predicted by the concord mechanism.
"Must" and "have to" have the same modal feature (both [u∀-MOD]). Concord between them is predicted: same-force u-features.
"Have to" carries [u∀-MOD]: necessity force, uninterpretable.
"Must have to" concord as a ConcordDerivation — derived from Fragment.
The @cite{rotter-liu-2025} finding that "must have to" yields single
necessity (not double necessity) follows: the checker checks both
u-features, leaving one semantic operator.
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Cross-force concord fails: "must"[u∀] cannot be checked by a silent [i∃-MOD] operator. This predicts no concord between necessity and possibility modals.
Verifying Scope Data Against Fragment Entries #
The modalForce field in each ScopeAmbiguityDatum is independently
verifiable against the Fragment's modal meaning entries.
The force in mayOrMay matches the Fragment entry for "may".
The force in mustOrMust matches the Fragment entry for "must".
The force in mayAndMay matches the Fragment entry for "may".