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Linglib.Phenomena.Definiteness.Studies.Hanink2021

Hanink (2021): DP Structure and Internally Headed Relatives in Wášiw #

@cite{hanink-2021}

The architectural claim of @cite{hanink-2021} (developing the framework of Hanink 2018) is that the resource situation evaluating a definite description's restrictor is a bound variable in the syntactic structure — a "situation pronoun" — rather than a free contextual parameter handed to the interpretation function. The resource situation is selected by an index inside DP, not by the matrix context, and that index can be bound by higher operators.

What this file tests #

The IL substrate operationalizes this in two parallel pieces:

The empirical payoff is that the same description can pick out different referents under different situation assignments. We test this with a two-room frame where "the table" picks out different tables depending on which resource situation the structure is bound to.

We additionally verify:

  1. Restrictor sensitivity to the situation assignment — a restrictor that consults interpSitPronoun returns different extensions under different gs.
  2. Index-record discipline — the surface interpretation function ignores the index (it just records which pronoun is bound, the gs does the work), but the usesSituationPronoun classifier correctly flags unique and demonstrative as the binders.
  3. Anaphoric vs. unique split — anaphoric definites consult the entity assignment (the antecedent index), so the situation assignment is irrelevant for them. This contrasts with unique, matching the Schwarz weak/strong split.

Two tables, one in each room. The "the table" diagnostic in @cite{hanink-2021}'s style: shifting the bound resource situation flips the referent.

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      Two rooms, each its own situation.

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          The restrictor the table at the situation pointed to by pronoun 0: a DenotGS that consults interpSitPronoun 0 to fetch the resource situation, then evaluates tableIn at that situation.

          This is the @cite{hanink-2021} situation-pronoun pattern: the structural index 0 selects which situation in gs to use.

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            The Hanink payoff: the same .unique description picks out different referents under different situation assignments. The description is one syntactic object; the resource situation is a bound variable, not a free parameter.

            The index argument to .unique does not select among situations at the interpretation layer — the restrictor R already takes the full situation assignment, and the index records which pronoun is bound. (Core.Nominal.interpret_unique_index_irrelevant makes this explicit.) The Hanink claim is recovered via the restrictor calling interpSitPronoun sIdx, not via the interpreter inspecting sIdx.

            Among NominalKind constructors, exactly unique and demonstrative are flagged as binding a structural situation pronoun. Anaphoric definites do not — they consult the entity assignment for an antecedent, not the situation assignment.

            Anaphoric definites consult the entity assignment for the antecedent. When the restrictor itself is situation-insensitive (R g₀ gsKitchen = R g₀ gsLiving), the anaphoric reading is invariant under the resource-situation assignment — its referent is determined by the entity slot g₀ d. This is the orthogonality of entity-assignment binding and situation-assignment binding in @cite{hanink-2021}'s architecture: the anaphoric layer reads from g, the unique layer reads from gs.

            Concrete instance: with a constant restrictor (the antecedent is self-identifying, no situation needed), anaphoric definites are insensitive to the resource-situation assignment.