Hanink (2021): DP Structure and Internally Headed Relatives in Wášiw #
@cite{hanink-2021}
The architectural claim of @cite{hanink-2021} (developing the framework of Hanink 2018) is that the resource situation evaluating a definite description's restrictor is a bound variable in the syntactic structure — a "situation pronoun" — rather than a free contextual parameter handed to the interpretation function. The resource situation is selected by an index inside DP, not by the matrix context, and that index can be bound by higher operators.
What this file tests #
The IL substrate operationalizes this in two parallel pieces:
SitAssignment F := Nat → F.IndexinCore.Logic.Intensional.Variablesis the situation-pronoun assignment, parallel to the entity assignment.NominalKind.unique R sIdxinCore.Nominal.Descriptioncarries asituationIdx : Natrecording which situation pronoun the description is bound to.
The empirical payoff is that the same description can pick out different referents under different situation assignments. We test this with a two-room frame where "the table" picks out different tables depending on which resource situation the structure is bound to.
We additionally verify:
- Restrictor sensitivity to the situation assignment — a
restrictor that consults
interpSitPronounreturns different extensions under differentgs. - Index-record discipline — the surface interpretation function
ignores the index (it just records which pronoun is bound, the
gsdoes the work), but theusesSituationPronounclassifier correctly flagsuniqueanddemonstrativeas the binders. - Anaphoric vs. unique split — anaphoric definites consult the
entity assignment (the antecedent index), so the situation
assignment is irrelevant for them. This contrasts with
unique, matching the Schwarz weak/strong split.
Two tables, one in each room. The "the table" diagnostic in @cite{hanink-2021}'s style: shifting the bound resource situation flips the referent.
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- Phenomena.Definiteness.Studies.Hanink2021.instDecidableEqItem x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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Two rooms, each its own situation.
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- Phenomena.Definiteness.Studies.Hanink2021.instDecidableEqRoom x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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"Table-in-room": the predicate is true at exactly one item per room. Encodes the @cite{hanink-2021} resource-situation idea — what counts as "the table" depends on the situation we evaluate at.
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- Phenomena.Definiteness.Studies.Hanink2021.tableIn Phenomena.Definiteness.Studies.Hanink2021.Room.kitchen Phenomena.Definiteness.Studies.Hanink2021.Item.tableKitchen = True
- Phenomena.Definiteness.Studies.Hanink2021.tableIn Phenomena.Definiteness.Studies.Hanink2021.Room.kitchen x✝ = False
- Phenomena.Definiteness.Studies.Hanink2021.tableIn Phenomena.Definiteness.Studies.Hanink2021.Room.living Phenomena.Definiteness.Studies.Hanink2021.Item.tableLiving = True
- Phenomena.Definiteness.Studies.Hanink2021.tableIn Phenomena.Definiteness.Studies.Hanink2021.Room.living x✝ = False
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The restrictor the table at the situation pointed to by pronoun 0:
a DenotGS that consults interpSitPronoun 0 to fetch the resource
situation, then evaluates tableIn at that situation.
This is the @cite{hanink-2021} situation-pronoun pattern: the
structural index 0 selects which situation in gs to use.
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A trivial entity assignment. Entity binding is not exercised here.
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Situation assignment with pronoun 0 ↦ kitchen.
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Situation assignment with pronoun 0 ↦ living.
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Restrictor uniqueness in the kitchen situation: only tableKitchen
satisfies tableAtSit0.
Restrictor uniqueness in the living-room situation: only
tableLiving satisfies tableAtSit0.
Witness extraction for the kitchen case: the unique satisfier is
tableKitchen.
Witness extraction for the living-room case: the unique satisfier
is tableLiving.
The Hanink payoff: the same .unique description picks out
different referents under different situation assignments. The
description is one syntactic object; the resource situation is a
bound variable, not a free parameter.
The index argument to .unique does not select among situations at
the interpretation layer — the restrictor R already takes the full
situation assignment, and the index records which pronoun is
bound. (Core.Nominal.interpret_unique_index_irrelevant makes this
explicit.) The Hanink claim is recovered via the restrictor calling
interpSitPronoun sIdx, not via the interpreter inspecting sIdx.
Among NominalKind constructors, exactly unique and
demonstrative are flagged as binding a structural situation
pronoun. Anaphoric definites do not — they consult the entity
assignment for an antecedent, not the situation assignment.
Anaphoric definites consult the entity assignment for the
antecedent. When the restrictor itself is situation-insensitive
(R g₀ gsKitchen = R g₀ gsLiving), the anaphoric reading is
invariant under the resource-situation assignment — its referent
is determined by the entity slot g₀ d. This is the orthogonality
of entity-assignment binding and situation-assignment binding in
@cite{hanink-2021}'s architecture: the anaphoric layer reads from
g, the unique layer reads from gs.
Concrete instance: with a constant restrictor (the antecedent is self-identifying, no situation needed), anaphoric definites are insensitive to the resource-situation assignment.