Nominal Descriptions: Unified Sum Type #
@cite{coppock-beaver-2015} @cite{patel-grosz-grosz-2017} @cite{hanink-2021} @cite{bondarenko-2023} @cite{moroney-2021} @cite{schwarz-2009} @cite{schwarz-2013} @cite{sharvy-1980} @cite{kriz-2015}
A single sum type NominalKind F covering the principal flavors of nominal
description that the syntax–semantics interface needs to distinguish:
- bare noun (number-neutral; covert type-shifts decide the reading)
- indefinite (∃; introduces a new discourse referent)
- unique (Coppock–Beaver weak/uniqueness; Sharvy/Križ maximal)
- anaphoric (Schwarz strong-article familiarity; Hanink-indexed)
- demonstrative (Patel-Grosz–Grosz/Davis: a separate object, not "strong the")
- possessive (definite via a possession relation)
The whole type is parameterized by a Core.Logic.Intensional.Frame, so all
restrictors, situation pronouns, and possessor expressions are typed via the
unified F.Denot machinery rather than ad-hoc E → Bool predicates.
Design notes #
Restrictors are
DenotGS F .et. Both entity assignments and situation assignments are first-class. This is the @cite{hanink-2021} / @cite{bondarenko-2023} position: a noun's resource situation is a bound variable in the structure, not a free contextual parameter.uniquecarries a situation-pronoun index. Weak-article (@cite{coppock-beaver-2015} uniqueness) definites are evaluated at a structurally-bound situation, thesituationIdx-th situation pronoun retrievable viainterpSitPronoun situationIdx gs.anaphoriccarries a discourse index. @cite{schwarz-2009} strong-article and @cite{hanink-2021} anaphoric definites point to a discourse referent, thediscourseIdx-th entity slot. This is the entity assignment's role.demonstrativeis a separate constructor. @cite{patel-grosz-grosz-2017} and the Patel-Grosz–Grosz–Davis tradition reject the pure "demonstrative = strong article" identification. A demonstrative carries both a discourse index and a deictic feature (Core.Deixis.Feature). Its restrictor is also evaluated at a situation pronoun (the situation in which the deictic predicate is checked).possessivecarries possessor + relation expressions rather than conflating them with the restrictor. The relation has typee ⇒ e ⇒ t, and the possessor is ane-type expression that may itself be derived from aNominalKindhigher in the structure.Reuses
Core.Deixis.Featurefor the deictic content, so Shan/English/Latin/German fragments share the same enum.No semantic interpretation here. This file only declares the type and a handful of classification predicates. The interpretation function lives in
Core/Nominal/Interpret.lean.
Principal flavors of nominal description. The frame parameter F supplies
the entity domain and index set so all subexpressions live in the same
F.Denot universe.
- bare
{F : Logic.Intensional.Frame}
(restrictor : Logic.Intensional.Variables.DenotGS F Logic.Intensional.Ty.et)
: NominalKind F
Bare noun (no overt determiner). The actual reading — kind, indefinite, unique, or anaphoric — is selected by the language's covert type-shift hierarchy (@cite{chierchia-1998}, @cite{dayal-2004}).
- indefinite
{F : Logic.Intensional.Frame}
(restrictor : Logic.Intensional.Variables.DenotGS F Logic.Intensional.Ty.et)
: NominalKind F
Indefinite (∃). Introduces a new discourse referent and presupposes nothing about prior discourse. Heim (1982)/Kamp novelty.
- unique
{F : Logic.Intensional.Frame}
(restrictor : Logic.Intensional.Variables.DenotGS F Logic.Intensional.Ty.et)
(situationIdx : ℕ)
: NominalKind F
Coppock–Beaver weak/uniqueness definite (Sharvy/Križ maximal). The restrictor is evaluated at the resource situation pointed to by the
situationIdx-th situation pronoun (Hanink 2021 binding). - anaphoric
{F : Logic.Intensional.Frame}
(restrictor : Logic.Intensional.Variables.DenotGS F Logic.Intensional.Ty.et)
(discourseIdx : ℕ)
: NominalKind F
Schwarz strong-article / Hanink-indexed anaphoric definite. The
discourseIdx-th entity-assignment slot is the antecedent. - demonstrative
{F : Logic.Intensional.Frame}
(restrictor : Logic.Intensional.Variables.DenotGS F Logic.Intensional.Ty.et)
(deictic : Deixis.Feature)
(situationIdx discourseIdx : ℕ)
: NominalKind F
Demonstrative (this/that). Carries a deictic feature (@cite{patel-grosz-grosz-2017} D-deix layer; @cite{moroney-2021} §2.1.3 Shan nâj/nân) and a discourse/pointing index. The restrictor is checked at the resource situation pointed to by
situationIdx. - possessive
{F : Logic.Intensional.Frame}
(restrictor : Logic.Intensional.Variables.DenotGS F Logic.Intensional.Ty.et)
(possessor : Logic.Intensional.Variables.DenotGS F Logic.Intensional.Ty.e)
(relation : Logic.Intensional.Variables.DenotGS F Logic.Intensional.Ty.eet)
: NominalKind F
Definite description via a possession relation: ⟦the N of x⟧ where the restrictor and
relationjointly pin down a unique satisfier related topossessor.
Instances For
Is this a definite description (in the broad sense — uniqueness, familiarity, demonstrative, or possessive)?
Equations
- (Core.Nominal.NominalKind.bare restrictor).isDefinite = False
- (Core.Nominal.NominalKind.indefinite restrictor).isDefinite = False
- (Core.Nominal.NominalKind.unique restrictor situationIdx).isDefinite = True
- (Core.Nominal.NominalKind.anaphoric restrictor discourseIdx).isDefinite = True
- (Core.Nominal.NominalKind.demonstrative restrictor deictic situationIdx discourseIdx).isDefinite = True
- (Core.Nominal.NominalKind.possessive restrictor possessor relation).isDefinite = True
Instances For
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Does this description require a discourse antecedent? Anaphoric and demonstrative do; unique/possessive/bare/indefinite do not.
Equations
- (Core.Nominal.NominalKind.anaphoric restrictor discourseIdx).isAnaphoric = True
- (Core.Nominal.NominalKind.demonstrative restrictor deictic situationIdx discourseIdx).isAnaphoric = True
- x✝.isAnaphoric = False
Instances For
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Does this description bind a structural situation pronoun? Coppock–Beaver uniqueness and demonstratives do (resource situation for maximality and deictic check); the other constructors do not.
Equations
- (Core.Nominal.NominalKind.unique restrictor situationIdx).usesSituationPronoun = true
- (Core.Nominal.NominalKind.demonstrative restrictor deictic situationIdx discourseIdx).usesSituationPronoun = true
- x✝.usesSituationPronoun = false
Instances For
Map each NominalKind flavor to the @cite{schwarz-2009}–@cite{schwarz-2013}
presupposition type it expresses, where applicable. Bare and indefinite
return none because they are not (in themselves) definites.
Equations
- (Core.Nominal.NominalKind.bare restrictor).expectedPresupType = none
- (Core.Nominal.NominalKind.indefinite restrictor).expectedPresupType = none
- (Core.Nominal.NominalKind.unique restrictor situationIdx).expectedPresupType = some Features.Definiteness.DefPresupType.uniqueness
- (Core.Nominal.NominalKind.anaphoric restrictor discourseIdx).expectedPresupType = some Features.Definiteness.DefPresupType.familiarity
- (Core.Nominal.NominalKind.demonstrative restrictor deictic situationIdx discourseIdx).expectedPresupType = some Features.Definiteness.DefPresupType.familiarity
- (Core.Nominal.NominalKind.possessive restrictor possessor relation).expectedPresupType = some Features.Definiteness.DefPresupType.uniqueness
Instances For
Definites are exactly those flavors with a non-none expected
presupposition type. By construction.
Anaphoric flavors all carry the familiarity presupposition type.