@cite{bill-etal-2025} — DP Conjunction Complexity #
"Is DP conjunction always complex? The view from child Georgian and Hungarian" Semantics & Pragmatics 18, Article 5, 1-20.
Main Question #
@cite{mitrovic-sauerland-2014} claim DP conjunction universally decomposes into J (set intersection) + MU (subset) + ☉ (type-shifter). Combined with the Transparency Principle — children prefer 1-to-1 form-meaning mappings — this predicts J-MU expressions (where all pieces are overt) should be easier for children to comprehend than J-only or MU-only.
Experiment #
Act-out task: children and adults hear conjunctive sentences and manipulate objects to match. Two DVs: accuracy and sentence-played-n (replay count).
Key Findings #
- Georgian children: J-MU sentences required significantly more replays than J or MU sentences (opposite of prediction). No difference between J and MU.
- Hungarian: no significant sentence-type effects detected on either measure. (Null result — could reflect ceiling effects or insufficient power.)
- Adults: near-ceiling in both languages.
Theoretical Significance #
Results challenge both Mitrović & Sauerland's universal decomposition and alternative accounts.
Semantic Connection #
The M&S decomposition maps directly onto Montague/Conjunction.lean:
- J =
genConj(Partee & Rooth's generalized conjunction / set intersection) - MU =
typeRaise(INCL on singletons = type-raising; structuralabbrev) - ☉ =
msShift(individual → singleton set)
coordEntities is defined AS genConj(typeRaise e₁, typeRaise e₂),
so the M&S derivation is the definition itself, not a theorem.
mu_is_distributive_check proves this equals Link's distMaximal on pairs.
A conjunction particle in a specific language.
- language : String
- form : String
- gloss : String
- boundMorpheme : Bool
Instances For
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- BillEtAl2025.instReprConjParticle = { reprPrec := BillEtAl2025.instReprConjParticle.repr }
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Georgian J particle
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- BillEtAl2025.georgian_da = { language := "Georgian", form := "da", gloss := "and", role := Features.Coordination.CoordRole.j, boundMorpheme := false }
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Georgian MU particle (clitic)
Equations
- BillEtAl2025.georgian_c = { language := "Georgian", form := "-c", gloss := "MU/also", role := Features.Coordination.CoordRole.mu, boundMorpheme := true }
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Hungarian J particle
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- BillEtAl2025.hungarian_es = { language := "Hungarian", form := "és", gloss := "and", role := Features.Coordination.CoordRole.j, boundMorpheme := false }
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Hungarian MU particle
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- BillEtAl2025.hungarian_is = { language := "Hungarian", form := "is", gloss := "MU/also", role := Features.Coordination.CoordRole.mu, boundMorpheme := false }
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Both Georgian and Hungarian allow all three strategies. This is typologically rare — most languages have only one or two.
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Key morphological difference: Georgian MU (-c) is a bound clitic, Hungarian MU (is) is a free morpheme. This may be relevant to the cross-linguistic difference in results (@cite{clark-2017}: free morphemes may be acquired more readily than bound).
Equations
- BillEtAl2025.instDecidableEqGroup x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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- BillEtAl2025.instReprGroup = { reprPrec := BillEtAl2025.instReprGroup.repr }
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- BillEtAl2025.instReprGroup.repr BillEtAl2025.Group.adult prec✝ = Repr.addAppParen (Std.Format.nest (if prec✝ ≥ 1024 then 1 else 2) (Std.Format.text "BillEtAl2025.Group.adult")).group prec✝
- BillEtAl2025.instReprGroup.repr BillEtAl2025.Group.child prec✝ = Repr.addAppParen (Std.Format.nest (if prec✝ ≥ 1024 then 1 else 2) (Std.Format.text "BillEtAl2025.Group.child")).group prec✝
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Age range for a participant group, in months.
- minMonths : ℕ
- maxMonths : ℕ
- meanMonths : ℕ
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- BillEtAl2025.instReprAgeRange = { reprPrec := BillEtAl2025.instReprAgeRange.repr }
Participant group with demographics.
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- BillEtAl2025.georgianChildren = { language := "Georgian", group := BillEtAl2025.Group.child, n := 31, ageRange := some { minMonths := 45, maxMonths := 70, meanMonths := 57 } }
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- BillEtAl2025.georgianAdults = { language := "Georgian", group := BillEtAl2025.Group.adult, n := 41, ageRange := none }
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- BillEtAl2025.hungarianChildren = { language := "Hungarian", group := BillEtAl2025.Group.child, n := 25, ageRange := some { minMonths := 36, maxMonths := 60, meanMonths := 50 } }
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- BillEtAl2025.hungarianAdults = { language := "Hungarian", group := BillEtAl2025.Group.adult, n := 30, ageRange := none }
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Age-accuracy correlation in Georgian children: medium positive. r(525) = 0.31, p < 0.001 (footnote 8).
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Age-sentencePlayedN correlation in Georgian children: small negative. r(497) = -0.18, p < 0.001 (footnote 9). Older children needed fewer replays.
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Age-accuracy correlation in Hungarian children: small positive. r(423) = 0.19, p < 0.001 (footnote 11).
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Age-sentencePlayedN correlation in Hungarian children: small negative. r(405) = -0.28, p < 0.001 (footnote 11). Older children needed fewer replays.
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A single cell in the Group × SentenceType design.
- language : String
- group : Group
- sentenceType : Features.Coordination.ConjunctionStrategy
- accuracyPct : ℕ
Accuracy (percentage 0-100, approximate from Figure 4/6)
- nParticipants : ℕ
Number of participants
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Georgian accuracy data (approximate from Figure 4). Adults near ceiling across all conditions. Children lower but no significant sentence-type effect on accuracy.
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Error categories for Georgian children (footnote 12). Of 103 total errors:
- 73% placed unmentioned objects (possible ad-hoc implicature failure: children may not derive "nothing else is on the table")
- 20% placed only one of the mentioned objects
- 7% placed neither mentioned object
- totalErrors : ℕ
- unmentionedObjectsPct : ℕ
Placed unmentioned objects on the table
- oneConjunctOnlyPct : ℕ
Placed only one of two mentioned objects
- neitherConjunctPct : ℕ
Placed neither mentioned object
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Equations
- BillEtAl2025.instReprErrorBreakdown = { reprPrec := BillEtAl2025.instReprErrorBreakdown.repr }
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- BillEtAl2025.georgianChildErrors = { totalErrors := 103, unmentionedObjectsPct := 73, oneConjunctOnlyPct := 20, neitherConjunctPct := 7 }
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Error percentages sum to 100.
Result of a Likelihood Ratio Test comparing nested models.
We encode statistical test results as data, not as theorems about the underlying population. A non-significant result means the test did not detect an effect — not that no effect exists.
- effect : String
- df : ℕ
- chiSquared : Float
- pValue : Float
- significant : Bool
Whether p < .05 (conventional threshold)
Instances For
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- BillEtAl2025.instReprLRTResult = { reprPrec := BillEtAl2025.instReprLRTResult.repr }
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- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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Table 1: LRT results for Georgian accuracy.
Only group is significant — sentence-type effect NOT detected. NOTE: This is a null result. The act-out task allowed unlimited replays, which may have washed out accuracy differences (see Section 3.1.2).
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Table 2: LRT results for Georgian sentence-played-n.
All effects significant — this is where the key finding emerges.
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Pairwise comparison for sentence-played-n (Table 3). Tukey-adjusted p-values. Values on log scale, encoded as thousandths (e.g., -176 = -0.176) so that comparisons are decidable.
- group : Group
- contrast : String
- estimate_thou : ℤ
Estimate on log scale, in thousandths (-176 = -0.176)
- se_thou : ℕ
Standard error in thousandths
- df : ℕ
- tRatio_thou : ℤ
t-ratio in thousandths
- pValue_tenThou : ℕ
p-value in ten-thousandths (1 = 0.0001, 670 = 0.067)
- significant : Bool
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Georgian children: J vs J-MU (p < .0001). Negative = J-MU harder.
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Georgian children: J vs MU (p = .067, marginal).
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Georgian children: J-MU vs MU (p < .01). Positive = J-MU harder.
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Adults show no pairwise differences (all p > .6).
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Table 4: LRT results for Hungarian accuracy.
No significant effects detected. NOTE: Null result — Hungarian children were somewhat older-behaving than Georgian children despite being younger (see fn. 4).
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Table 5: LRT results for Hungarian sentence-played-n.
Only group significant — sentence-type effect NOT detected. NOTE: Null result for sentence-type. Could reflect: (a) no actual difference, (b) insufficient power (n=25 children), (c) Hungarian MU (free morpheme "is") being easier than Georgian MU (bound clitic "-c"), washing out complexity effects.
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Georgian children replayed J-MU sentences significantly more than J sentences.
This is the OPPOSITE of what @cite{mitrovic-sauerland-2016} + Transparency Principle predicts. The prediction was that J-MU (most transparent) should be EASIEST.
Negative estimate means J < J-MU in replay count (J-MU harder).
Georgian children replayed J-MU sentences significantly more than MU sentences.
Positive estimate means J-MU > MU in replay count (J-MU harder).
No significant difference between J and MU for Georgian children.
NOTE: This is a null result (p = .067, marginal). We record the non-significance but do NOT assert that J and MU are equally difficult.
The Transparency Principle: Learning is easier for overt and unambiguous (1-to-1) form-meaning mappings than for covert and/or conflated (many-to-1) mappings.
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- BillEtAl2025.transparencyPredicts s1 s2 = decide (s1.overtMorphemeCount > s2.overtMorphemeCount)
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@cite{mitrovic-sauerland-2016} + Transparency Principle predicts J-MU is more transparent than both J-only and MU-only.
The Georgian sentence-played-n data contradicts this prediction: J-MU was HARDER (more replays), not easier. The significant pairwise comparisons go in the wrong direction.
Link to Phenomena/Gradability/Imprecision/FormMeaning.lean #
The Transparency Principle is the acquisition-side counterpart of the No Needless Manner Violations principle formalized in FormMeaning.lean.
Both principles relate form complexity to meaning:
- NNMV: More complex form → more precise meaning
- Transparency: More overt form-meaning mapping → easier acquisition
The andBoth datum in FormMeaning.lean is particularly relevant:
"Ann and Bert" (J-only) vs "both Ann and Bert" (≈ J+MU).
"Both" adds precision (removes homogeneity gap) — it's arguably an
overt realization of MU/distributivity, paralleling the J-MU strategy.
Bill et al.'s finding complicates this picture: in Georgian, adding overt MU+J (maximum transparency) made comprehension HARDER, suggesting that morphological complexity can outweigh transparency benefits.
Link to Phenomena/AdditiveParticles/Data.lean #
Japanese "mo" (listed as an additive particle in AdditiveParticles/Data.lean) is the canonical MU particle in Mitrović & Sauerland's framework. In conjunction, "mo...mo" = MU-only strategy:
Taroo-mo Hanako-mo neta Taro-MU Hanako-MU slept "Both Taro and Hanako slept"
Similarly, Hungarian "is" and Georgian "-c" serve as both additive particles and conjunction MU particles — unifying two phenomena under a single morpheme.
Semantic Decomposition (@cite{mitrovic-sauerland-2016}) #
The M&S decomposition maps onto operations in Montague/Conjunction.lean:
| M&S piece | Semantic operation | Conjunction.lean |
|---|---|---|
| ☉ | {x} formation | msShift (= Partee's ident) |
| MU | INCL (subset) | typeRaise (structural abbrev) |
| J | Set intersection | genConj at GQ type |
MU IS typeRaise — the identity is structural (an abbrev), not a
theorem. coordEntities is defined AS genConj(typeRaise e₁, typeRaise e₂),
so the M&S derivation is the definition itself. The result
P(e₁) ∧ P(e₂) equals Link's distMaximal P {e₁, e₂}
(mu_is_distributive_check).
Type-raising an entity and checking subset inclusion of its singleton is equivalent to applying the predicate directly.
This is the core of the M&S decomposition: the roundtrip through ☉ + MU + J recovers ordinary conjunction semantics.
Full M&S derivation: "DP₁ and DP₂ VP" via ☉ + MU + J
yields the same result as Partee & Rooth's coordEntities.
MU IS Distributive Predication #
The M&S decomposition and Link's distributive inference are the same operation. Both reduce to: check a predicate against each entity individually and conjoin.
| Framework | Operation | Result |
|---|---|---|
| M&S | J(typeRaise(e₁), typeRaise(e₂))(P) | P(e₁) ∧ P(e₂) |
| Link | distMaximal P {e₁, e₂} w | P(e₁) ∧ P(e₂) |
The M&S side is structural: coordEntities IS genConj(typeRaise e₁, typeRaise e₂) by definition, and MU IS typeRaise by abbrev.
The Link side is independently structural: distMaximal IS
decide (∀ a ∈ x, P a w).
The theorem below bridges the two type systems (Montague Frame.Entity
vs Finset Atom). This bridge can't be made structural — the types
are different — but it proves the same operation is being computed.
This explains WHY MU particles are universally additive particles
(mu_additive_generalization): additive "also/too" IS the distributive
check on a single atom (typeRaise e P = P e = distMaximal P {e}).
Conjunction is the two-atom case. Link's distr_atom_part is the
general case for arbitrary pluralities.
M&S conjunction = Link's distributive predication for pairs.
coordEntities e₁ e₂ P = distMaximal (fun a _ => P a) {e₁, e₂} ()
Both sides compute P(e₁) ∧ P(e₂):
- LHS by definition (
coordEntities=genConj(typeRaise e₁, typeRaise e₂)) - RHS by
distMaximal_pair
This can't be an abbrev — the types are different (Montague
Frame.Entity vs Finset Atom). The theorem is the right tool
for cross-theory unification.
M&S universality challenged.
Georgian has all three strategies (J-only, MU-only, J-MU). M&S + Transparency predicts J-MU should be easiest (most transparent). But Georgian children found J-MU significantly harder (more replays).
The boundness confound.
Georgian MU (-c) is bound; Hungarian MU (is) is free. Hungarian children showed no significant sentence-type effect on either accuracy or replays. This raises the possibility that morphological boundness — not the M&S decomposition itself — drives the Georgian difficulty.
If boundness is the real factor, then M&S categories (J, MU, J-MU) are not the right level of analysis for acquisition predictions.