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Linglib.Phenomena.Comparison.Studies.Kennedy1999

Kennedy 1999: Projecting the Adjective #

@cite{kennedy-1999} @cite{bresnan-1973} @cite{bhatt-pancheva-2004} @cite{kennedy-2007} @cite{lechner-2004} @cite{rett-2020} @cite{schwarzschild-2008}

@cite{kennedy-1999} "Projecting the Adjective" (dissertation, UC Santa Cruz; published 1999, Garland). The foundational argument that gradable adjectives denote measure functions (Entity → Degree), with degree morphemes (-er, as, -est, too, enough) as functional heads of a DegP projection that bind the degree argument.

Core Contributions #

  1. Adjectives as measure functions: ⟦tall⟧ = λx. height(x), not λd.λx. height(x) ≥ d. The relational type ⟨d,⟨e,t⟩⟩ is derived by combining with degree morphology, not lexical.

  2. Extent functions: pos-ext and neg-ext partition the scale into degrees an entity "has" and "lacks". Negative adjectives access the negative extent of the same scale as their positive counterpart.

  3. Cross-polar anomaly: "Kim is as tall as Lee is short" is anomalous because the equative tries to compare a positive extent with a negative extent — structurally incompatible (proved always-false in Core.Scale.crossExtent_always_false).

  4. Antonymy biconditional: "BK is longer than The Idiot iff The Idiot is shorter than BK" is DERIVED from extent complementarity, not stipulated as a lexical property (proved in Core.Scale.antonymy_biconditional).

  5. DegP projection: Degree morphemes head their own syntactic phrase. This has been refined by @cite{heim-2001} (sentential operator approach) and subsequent work. The core insight — that degree binding is syntactic, not lexical — is consensus.

  6. Comparative subdeletion: "The table is longer than it is wide" requires clausal standards and cross-dimensional commensurability.

What Is Current vs. Historical #

The measure function denotation and extent functions (§ 1–4) are current consensus — they underlie all subsequent degree-semantic work including @cite{kennedy-2007} and @cite{schwarzschild-2008}.

The specific DegP syntax (§ 5) has been refined: @cite{heim-2001}'s sentential operator approach is now co-standard, and the two make different scope predictions. This study file records both the data and the 1999-era analysis.

Additional Data #

This file also collects comparison construction data from @cite{bresnan-1973} (phrasal/clausal comparatives, morphological distribution), @cite{bhatt-pancheva-2004} and @cite{lechner-2004} (subcomparatives), and @cite{kennedy-2007} and @cite{rett-2020} (equative constructions).

A cross-polar anomaly judgment.

  • sentence : String
  • acceptable : Bool
  • samePolarity : Bool

    Does this compare same-polarity or cross-polarity extents?

  • isEquative : Bool

    Is this an equative ("as...as") or comparative ("-er...than")?

  • note : String
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      Cross-polar anomaly data from @cite{kennedy-1999}.

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        Cross-polar = unacceptable for both equatives and comparatives when the adjectives are direct antonyms on the same dimension. @cite{buring-2007} shows this holds uniformly (§1, ex. 1).

        theorem Kennedy1999.crossPolar_predicted {Entity : Type u_1} {D : Type u_2} [LinearOrder D] (μ : EntityD) (kim lee : Entity) :

        The cross-polar anomaly is predicted by extent function algebra: cross-extent inclusion is always false on any linear order. This is the formal content behind the unacceptability of "Kim is as tall as Lee is short".

        theorem Kennedy1999.samePolar_equative_welldefined {Entity : Type u_1} {D : Type u_2} [LinearOrder D] (μ : EntityD) (a b : Entity) :

        Same-polarity equatives are well-defined: "as tall as" checks that the standard's positive extent is included in the subject's. This reduces to μ(subject) ≥ μ(standard).

        theorem Kennedy1999.comparative_extent_bridge {Entity : Type u_1} {D : Type u_2} [LinearOrder D] (μ : EntityD) (a b : Entity) :

        "A is taller than B" iff B's positive extent is strictly contained in A's. Bridges the consensus comparative to the algebraic posExt_ssubset_iff from Core.Scale.

        theorem Kennedy1999.antonymy_derived {Entity : Type u_1} {D : Type u_2} [LinearOrder D] (μ : EntityD) (a b : Entity) :

        Central theorem of @cite{kennedy-1999} Ch. 3: antonymy equivalence is DERIVED from the complementarity of positive and negative extents, not stipulated as a lexical property.

        "BK is longer than The Idiot" iff "The Idiot is shorter than BK"

        Formally: posExt(b) ⊂ posExt(a) ↔ negExt(a) ⊂ negExt(b). The positive comparative and the negative comparative have the same truth conditions because positive and negative extents are complementary projections of the same scale point.

        theorem Kennedy1999.equative_antonymy_extent {Entity : Type u_1} {D : Type u_2} [LinearOrder D] (μ : EntityD) (a b : Entity) :

        The antonymy biconditional also holds for equatives: "A is as tall as B" iff "B is as short as A" — extent inclusion in one polarity implies extent inclusion in the other. Follows from the Galois connection on extents (Extent.lean § 7).

        @cite{kennedy-1999}'s DegP projection: degree morphemes are functional heads taking AdjP as complement.

        [DegP [Deg° -er, as, -est, too, enough] [AdjP tall]]

        This specific syntactic structure was refined by @cite{heim-2001}, who treats -er as a sentential operator rather than a DegP head. Both agree that degree binding is syntactic.

        Note: the degree head inventory matches Semantics.Degree.DegPType from Degree/Defs.lean, which is the current consensus enumeration. This historical structure records Kennedy's specific proposal that these heads project a full DegP phrase.

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            Example DegP constructions from @cite{kennedy-1999}.

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              @cite{kennedy-1999} §3.1.8 observes that measure phrases are acceptable with positive adjectives but not negative ones:

              (69) "My Cadillac is 8 feet long." ✓ (70) "#My Fiat is 5 feet short." ✗

              Kennedy's explanation: measure phrases denote bounded extents. On scales with a minimum, positive extents are bounded (anchored at ⊥), but negative extents are not (they extend to ∞). So the ordering relation between a measure phrase (bounded extent) and a negative extent is undefined.

              • sentence : String
              • acceptable : Bool
              • isPositiveAdj : Bool
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                    Measure phrases are acceptable with positive adjectives only.

                    An acceptability judgment for a comparative construction. @cite{bresnan-1973} @cite{kennedy-1999} @cite{lechner-2004}

                    • sentence : String

                      The example sentence

                    • acceptable : Bool

                      Whether the sentence is acceptable

                    • standardType : String

                      Phrasal or clausal standard?

                    • note : String

                      Notes on the reading or restriction

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                        Phrasal comparatives — DP complement of than.

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                          Clausal comparatives — CP complement of than.

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                            Synthetic vs. analytic comparative distribution in English. The generalization: monosyllabic adjectives prefer synthetic (-er), polysyllabic prefer analytic (more), disyllabic varies.

                            • adjective : String
                            • syllables :
                            • syntheticOk : Bool
                            • analyticOk : Bool
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                                  Bare comparative data: the standard of comparison may be implicitly recovered from context.

                                  "Kim is taller" — standard = contextually supplied comparison class. This connects to the evaluative/positive reading of bare gradable adjectives (Gradability/).

                                  Note: "bare comparative" = comparative without an explicit standard. This is NOT "comparative deletion" in @cite{bresnan-1973}'s sense (= identity-based deletion of a clause constituent from the than-clause).

                                  • sentence : String
                                  • explicitStandard : Bool

                                    Is the standard explicitly present?

                                  • readings : List String

                                    Available readings

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                                        A subcomparative judgment. @cite{bhatt-pancheva-2004} @cite{kennedy-1999} @cite{lechner-2004} @cite{schwarzschild-2008}

                                        • sentence : String
                                        • acceptable : Bool
                                        • matrixPredicate : String

                                          The matrix predicate (e.g., "long")

                                        • embeddedPredicate : String

                                          The embedded predicate (e.g., "wide")

                                        • commensurable : Bool

                                          Are the dimensions commensurable?

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                                              Cross-linguistic variation in subcomparative availability. @cite{bhatt-pancheva-2004}

                                              • language : String
                                              • available : Bool
                                              • note : String
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                                                    An equative judgment. @cite{kennedy-2007} @cite{rett-2020}

                                                    • sentence : String
                                                    • acceptable : Bool
                                                    • availableReadings : List String

                                                      "at_least" or "exactly"

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                                                          Equative encoding strategy. @cite{rett-2020}

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                                                            @[implicit_reducible]
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                                                              Cross-linguistic equative strategy datum.

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