Framework-Independent Comparative Semantics #
@cite{rett-2026} @cite{schwarzschild-2008} @cite{von-stechow-1984} @cite{hoeksema-1983}
Comparative semantics shared across all degree frameworks: the basic
comparativeSem and equativeSem functions, the set-of-degrees
generalization sComparative, antonymy as scale reversal, DE-ness of
than-clauses (NPI licensing), and boundary dependence.
The set-of-degrees S-comparative sComparative (originally
@cite{hoeksema-1983} §3.8 Def 7) lives here as the natural generalization
of comparativeSem from a binary comparator to a degree-set comparator.
Hoeksema's polarity-asymmetry consumers (Boolean-hom npComparativeGQ,
the licensing-context registry connection) remain in
Phenomena/Polarity/Studies/Hoeksema1983.lean.
Framework-specific content for Rett 2026 (MAX, ambidirectionality,
manner implicature) lives in Phenomena/Negation/Studies/Rett2026.lean.
Key Results #
- comparativeSem: "A is taller than B" iff μ(A) > μ(B) (positive) or μ(A) < μ(B) (negative).
- sComparative: degree-set generalization; anti-additive in the standard set (the algebraic source of S-comparative NPI licensing).
- sComparative_eq_singleton_of_isGreatest: the S-comparative is determined by the supremum of its degree-set argument when one exists. Specializes to: a downward-closed than-clause denotation reduces to its maximum (@cite{bhatt-pancheva-2004} §3 reduction).
- Antonymy as scale reversal: "A taller than B" ↔ "B shorter than A".
- DE-ness of than-clauses: universal quantification over the standard domain is anti-monotone.
Comparative direction reuses scale polarity from Core.
positive: "taller" — MAX picks the highest degrees.
negative: "shorter" — MAX picks the lowest degrees.
Instances For
Comparative semantics (@cite{rett-2026} / @cite{schwarzschild-2008}): "A is Adj-er than B" iff μ(a) exceeds μ(b) on the directed scale.
Equations
- Semantics.Degree.Comparative.comparativeSem μ a b Core.Scale.ScalePolarity.positive = (μ a > μ b)
- Semantics.Degree.Comparative.comparativeSem μ a b Core.Scale.ScalePolarity.negative = (μ a < μ b)
Instances For
Equative semantics: "A is as Adj as B" iff μ(a) ≥ μ(b) on the directed scale.
Equations
- Semantics.Degree.Comparative.equativeSem μ a b Core.Scale.ScalePolarity.positive = (μ a ≥ μ b)
- Semantics.Degree.Comparative.equativeSem μ a b Core.Scale.ScalePolarity.negative = (μ a ≤ μ b)
Instances For
MAX–direct bridge: the direct comparison μ(a) > μ(b) is
equivalent to the MAX-based formulation.
"A taller than B" ↔ "B shorter than A" — antonymy is argument swap plus direction reversal.
Equative antonymy: "A as tall as B" ↔ "B as short as A".
The comparative depends only on the boundary μ_b.
The equative depends only on the boundary μ_b.
S-comparative on a set of degrees (@cite{hoeksema-1983} §3.8 Def 7):
y ∈ sComparative μ Δ iff μ y strictly exceeds every degree in
Δ. The than-clause supplies a set of degrees Δ (typically
existentially closed). Generalizes the binary comparativeSem from
a single standard to an arbitrary degree-set standard.
Equations
- Semantics.Degree.Comparative.sComparative μ Δ y = ∀ d ∈ Δ, d < μ y
Instances For
@cite{hoeksema-1983} Fact 4: the S-comparative is anti-additive in its set-of-degrees argument. The algebraic source of NPI licensing in clausal than-comparatives.
Atomic specialization: at the singleton {μ b}, S-comparative
membership reduces to the binary "taller than b" relation. The
bridge between the Hoeksema set-theoretic schema and the everyday
μ b < μ a reading.
Reduction lemma (@cite{bhatt-pancheva-2004} §3 in algebraic
form): the S-comparative is determined by the greatest element of
its degree-set argument. Passing a set whose supremum is m yields
the same predicate as passing {m}.
The proof requires neither linearity nor density of the scale —
only [Preorder D] and the IsGreatest witness. This is the
generic order-theoretic content behind B&P's claim that the
clausal-source than-clause denotation {d | d ≤ μ b} collapses
to its maximum.
Bridge: the atomic S-comparative coincides with the binary
comparativeSem on a LinearOrder. The set-of-degrees schema is a
strict generalization of the binary comparator.
Universal quantification over a domain is antitone in the domain.
This is the generic monotonicity fact behind the surface observation
that than-clauses are downward-entailing — not @cite{hoeksema-1983}'s
specific anti-additivity / Boolean-homomorphism result, which is
proved in Phenomena/Polarity/Studies/Hoeksema1983.lean.
Manner implicature triggered by EN in an ambidirectional construction.
evaluative: the relation is noteworthy (large gap / early timing).
atypical: the EN form is pragmatically marked (optional, stylistic).
- evaluative : Bool
Does EN trigger an evaluative reading?
- atypical : Bool
Is the EN form pragmatically marked (optional, stylistic)?
Instances For
Equations
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Instances For
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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Equations
Comparative via extents: "A is taller than B" iff A's positive
extent strictly contains B's. Bridges the point comparison
to the algebraic posExt_ssubset_iff from Core.Scale.
"A is taller than B" iff "B is shorter than A" — derived from the complementarity of positive and negative extents, not stipulated as a lexical property of antonym pairs.
This is @cite{kennedy-1999}'s central result: antonymy equivalence
follows from the algebra of extents. Delegates to
Core.Scale.antonymy_biconditional.
Strengthened, negated, and extent-theoretic equatives #
@cite{kennedy-2007} @cite{rett-2020} @cite{schwarzschild-2008} @cite{thomas-deo-2020}
The literal semantics of the equative is "at least as" (equativeSem
with .positive). The "exactly as" reading is derived by scalar
implicature: choosing as tall as over the stronger taller than
implicates that the comparative is false, yielding equality. A
granularity-based alternative is in Degree.Granularity.
Equative strengthened semantics: "A is as tall as B" iff μ(A) = μ(B).
The "exactly as" reading, derived by implicature.
Equations
- Semantics.Degree.Comparative.equativeStrengthened μ a b = (μ a = μ b)
Instances For
The strengthened reading entails the literal ≥ reading.
Negated equative: "A is not as tall as B" iff μ(A) < μ(B).
Equations
- Semantics.Degree.Comparative.negatedEquative μ a b = (μ a < μ b)
Instances For
Negated equative is the negation of the literal equative.
Equative as positive extent inclusion (@cite{kennedy-1999}):
"A is as tall as B" iff posExt(B) ⊆ posExt(A) — every degree
B has, A also has.
Negated equative as strict extent inclusion: B has strictly more degrees than A.