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Linglib.Phenomena.Causation.Studies.Song1996

Song 1996: Causative Construction Typology #

@cite{song-1996}

@cite{song-1996}'s typology of causative constructions, classifying how causative meaning is expressed (morphosyntactic packaging). Three types: COMPACT (English kill, Turkish -dür), AND (Vata le), PURP (Korean -ke ha-).

This file owns Song's typology + 6 per-language datums + WALS Ch 110A/111A grounding theorems + the Comrie-Song complexity bridge. The orthogonal Pylkkänen 2008 Voice-bundling × selection typology lives at Phenomena/ArgumentStructure/Studies/Pylkkanen2008.lean §13 (Pylkkänen's substrate; not subsumed by Song's). Comrie 1989's compact/morphological/ periphrastic complexity scale lives at Theories/Semantics/Causation/Morphological.CausativeComplexity (the substrate Song's toComplexity projects into).

This file replaces a previous 41-LOC Studies/Song1996.lean that was an editorial-bridge anti-pattern (HahnDegenFutrell ↔ Causation Typology). The Causation/Typology.lean file (542 LOC) was simultaneously dissolved and renamed here.

Cross-paper context (deferred) #

Song's COMPACT/AND/PURP three-way is defensible but coarse, and the file-level typology should be read against:

The internal CausativeMorphology enum (suffix / freeMorpheme / lexical) within COMPACT is closer to current field consensus than Song's COMPACT/AND/ PURP partition itself — the file documents the typology Song proposed, not the typology the field has converged on.

Key Typology (Song §5.1-5.3 — UNVERIFIED location refs) #

TypeStructureImplicative?Example
COMPACTVcause ⊕ Veffect fusedYesEnglish kill, Turkish -dür
ANDTwo clauses, sequentialYesVata le
PURPTwo clauses, purposiveNoKorean -ke ha-

The COMPACT type subsumes both lexical causatives (English kill) and morphological causatives (Turkish -dür, Japanese -ase, French faire).

Morphosyntactic type of causative construction (Song 1996).

Orthogonal to the force-dynamic builder: a .make builder can be realized as COMPACT (English make), AND, or PURP depending on the language.

  • compact: Cause and effect fused into a single predicate. Includes lexical (kill) and morphological (-dür, -ase).
  • and_: Two clauses joined sequentially. Effect clause is factual.
  • purp: Two clauses, with purposive semantics. Effect clause is non-implicative (not entailed to have occurred).
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      Whether a causative construction type is implicative.

      Implicative = the cause clause entails the effect clause.

      • COMPACT: Yes — kill entails death occurred
      • AND: Yes — sequential structure implies effect is factual
      • PURP: No — purposive structure leaves effect open
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        Morphosyntactic realization of the causative morpheme.

        Within COMPACT causatives, the causal element can be realized as:

        • A bound morpheme (Turkish -dür, Japanese -ase)
        • A free morpheme forming a tight unit (French faire)
        • A lexical fusion with no separable morpheme (English kill)

        Note: CausativeMorphology.lexical (no separable morpheme) and Theories/Semantics/Causation/Morphological.CausativeComplexity.lexical (most-compact end of Comrie's complexity scale) share the constructor name lexical but are NOT semantically equivalent. The first is a morpheme-shape claim; the second is a construction-complexity claim. English kill satisfies both, but the inferential content differs: one says "no separable causal morpheme", the other says "construction is at the most-compact end of Comrie's continuum".

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            A cross-linguistic causative construction datum.

            • language : String

              Language name

            • form : String

              Surface form or morpheme

            • constructionType : CausativeConstructionType

              Construction type in Song's typology

            • morphology : Option CausativeMorphology

              Morphological realization (for compact types)

            • gloss : String

              Gloss / translation

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                Cross-linguistic data #

                English kill — lexical COMPACT causative (kill = cause-to-die)

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                  Turkish -dür — morphological COMPACT causative suffix

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                    Japanese -(s)ase — morphological COMPACT causative suffix

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                      French faire — COMPACT causative with free morpheme. NB: this is the empirically disputed boundary case — Song calls French faire a free-morpheme COMPACT, while Comrie 1989 / Folli & Harley 2005 analyse French faire-V as periphrastic (two words, analytic). The toComplexity bridge below maps it to morphological, lossily collapsing the disagreement.

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                        Korean -ke ha- — PURP-type causative (non-implicative)

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                          Vata le — AND-type causative (sequential, implicative)

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                              Implicativity theorems #

                              Korean periphrastic causatives are purposive (PURP-type) per WALS 110A, consistent with the -ke ha- construction being PURP in Song's typology.

                              English nonperiphrastic causatives are morphological per WALS 111A (corresponding to lexical causatives like kill).

                              Turkish nonperiphrastic causatives are morphological (suffix -dür) per WALS 111A, matching our datum.

                              Japanese nonperiphrastic causatives are morphological (suffix -(s)ase) per WALS 111A, matching our datum.

                              French has nonperiphrastic (compact) causatives per WALS 111A. WALS classifies French as both (morphological and compound).

                              Korean has nonperiphrastic (compact) causatives per WALS 111A, in addition to the periphrastic -ke ha- construction.

                              WALS 110A total: 118 languages with periphrastic causative data.

                              WALS 111A total: 310 languages with nonperiphrastic causative data.

                              Morphological causatives overwhelmingly dominate nonperiphrastic strategies: 254 out of 310 languages (82%) have morphological-only.

                              Song's construction types map to @cite{comrie-1989}'s complexity scale.

                              The mapping is many-to-one and lossy at the COMPACT/freeMorpheme boundary: French faire-V is compact + freeMorpheme in Song's typology but periphrastic (analytic, two-word) in Comrie's. We collapse this disagreement by mapping COMPACT → morphological uniformly; the cost is invisibility for the faire case.

                              See @cite{folli-harley-2005} for the syntactic-structure dispute over French faire-infinitive vs faire-par that this collapse obscures.

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                                Both multi-clause Song types map to Comrie's periphrastic. Relocated here from Phenomena/Case/Studies/Comrie1989.lean per the chronology-discipline rule (Comrie 1989 cannot cite Song 1996; the cross-paper bridge belongs in the later paper's study file).