Song 1996: Causative Construction Typology #
@cite{song-1996}
@cite{song-1996}'s typology of causative constructions, classifying how causative meaning is expressed (morphosyntactic packaging). Three types: COMPACT (English kill, Turkish -dür), AND (Vata le), PURP (Korean -ke ha-).
This file owns Song's typology + 6 per-language datums + WALS Ch 110A/111A
grounding theorems + the Comrie-Song complexity bridge. The orthogonal
Pylkkänen 2008 Voice-bundling × selection typology lives at
Phenomena/ArgumentStructure/Studies/Pylkkanen2008.lean §13 (Pylkkänen's
substrate; not subsumed by Song's). Comrie 1989's compact/morphological/
periphrastic complexity scale lives at
Theories/Semantics/Causation/Morphological.CausativeComplexity (the
substrate Song's toComplexity projects into).
This file replaces a previous 41-LOC Studies/Song1996.lean that was an
editorial-bridge anti-pattern (HahnDegenFutrell ↔ Causation Typology).
The Causation/Typology.lean file (542 LOC) was simultaneously dissolved
and renamed here.
Cross-paper context (deferred) #
Song's COMPACT/AND/PURP three-way is defensible but coarse, and the file-level typology should be read against:
- @cite{dixon-2000-causatives}: nine semantic parameters × three formal types (lexical/morphological/periphrastic). Dixon's parameters cut across Song's COMPACT (e.g., directness, naturalness, volition) and arguably reduce Song's three-way to a special case of his finer parameter space.
- @cite{shibatani-pardeshi-2002}: a causative continuum (direct → sociative → indirect) where the SOCIATIVE middle category (joint-action causation: Japanese -(s)ase in its assistive reading; Marathi sociative; dedicated Bantu/Korean/Tamil sociative morphology) is missing from Song's tripartite partition. Song collapses sociative into PURP or COMPACT depending on language, losing a robust typological generalization.
- @cite{wood-marantz-2017}, @cite{cuervo-2014}: generative-side updates of
Pylkkänen 2008's Voice-bundling × selection typology — see
Pylkkanen2008.lean§13.
The internal CausativeMorphology enum (suffix / freeMorpheme / lexical)
within COMPACT is closer to current field consensus than Song's COMPACT/AND/
PURP partition itself — the file documents the typology Song proposed,
not the typology the field has converged on.
Key Typology (Song §5.1-5.3 — UNVERIFIED location refs) #
| Type | Structure | Implicative? | Example |
|---|---|---|---|
| COMPACT | Vcause ⊕ Veffect fused | Yes | English kill, Turkish -dür |
| AND | Two clauses, sequential | Yes | Vata le |
| PURP | Two clauses, purposive | No | Korean -ke ha- |
The COMPACT type subsumes both lexical causatives (English kill) and morphological causatives (Turkish -dür, Japanese -ase, French faire).
Morphosyntactic type of causative construction (Song 1996).
Orthogonal to the force-dynamic builder: a .make builder
can be realized as COMPACT (English make), AND, or PURP depending
on the language.
compact: Cause and effect fused into a single predicate. Includes lexical (kill) and morphological (-dür, -ase).and_: Two clauses joined sequentially. Effect clause is factual.purp: Two clauses, with purposive semantics. Effect clause is non-implicative (not entailed to have occurred).
- compact : CausativeConstructionType
Cause + effect fused (lexical: kill; morphological: Turkish -dür)
- and_ : CausativeConstructionType
Two clauses, sequential (Vata le; effect is factual)
- purp : CausativeConstructionType
Two clauses, purposive (Korean -ke ha-; effect not entailed)
Instances For
Equations
- Phenomena.Causation.Studies.Song1996.instDecidableEqCausativeConstructionType x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
Whether a causative construction type is implicative.
Implicative = the cause clause entails the effect clause.
- COMPACT: Yes — kill entails death occurred
- AND: Yes — sequential structure implies effect is factual
- PURP: No — purposive structure leaves effect open
Equations
Instances For
Morphosyntactic realization of the causative morpheme.
Within COMPACT causatives, the causal element can be realized as:
- A bound morpheme (Turkish -dür, Japanese -ase)
- A free morpheme forming a tight unit (French faire)
- A lexical fusion with no separable morpheme (English kill)
Note: CausativeMorphology.lexical (no separable morpheme) and
Theories/Semantics/Causation/Morphological.CausativeComplexity.lexical
(most-compact end of Comrie's complexity scale) share the constructor
name lexical but are NOT semantically equivalent. The first is a
morpheme-shape claim; the second is a construction-complexity claim.
English kill satisfies both, but the inferential content differs:
one says "no separable causal morpheme", the other says "construction
is at the most-compact end of Comrie's continuum".
- suffix : CausativeMorphology
Bound morpheme (affix): Turkish -dür, Japanese -(s)ase
- freeMorpheme : CausativeMorphology
Free morpheme forming tight unit: French faire
- lexical : CausativeMorphology
No separable morpheme: English kill (lexical causative)
Instances For
Equations
- Phenomena.Causation.Studies.Song1996.instDecidableEqCausativeMorphology x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
A cross-linguistic causative construction datum.
- language : String
Language name
- form : String
Surface form or morpheme
- constructionType : CausativeConstructionType
Construction type in Song's typology
- morphology : Option CausativeMorphology
Morphological realization (for compact types)
- gloss : String
Gloss / translation
Instances For
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Instances For
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- Phenomena.Causation.Studies.Song1996.instBEqCausativeConstructionDatum.beq x✝¹ x✝ = false
Instances For
Cross-linguistic data #
English kill — lexical COMPACT causative (kill = cause-to-die)
Equations
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Instances For
Turkish -dür — morphological COMPACT causative suffix
Equations
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Instances For
Japanese -(s)ase — morphological COMPACT causative suffix
Equations
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Instances For
French faire — COMPACT causative with free morpheme.
NB: this is the empirically disputed boundary case — Song calls
French faire a free-morpheme COMPACT, while Comrie 1989 / Folli &
Harley 2005 analyse French faire-V as periphrastic (two words,
analytic). The toComplexity bridge below maps it to
morphological, lossily collapsing the disagreement.
Equations
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Instances For
Korean -ke ha- — PURP-type causative (non-implicative)
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Instances For
Vata le — AND-type causative (sequential, implicative)
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Implicativity theorems #
COMPACT causatives are implicative.
AND-type causatives are implicative.
PURP-type causatives are NOT implicative.
English periphrastic causatives are sequential (AND-type) per WALS 110A.
Turkish periphrastic causatives are purposive (PURP-type) per WALS 110A.
Korean periphrastic causatives are purposive (PURP-type) per WALS 110A,
consistent with the -ke ha- construction being PURP in Song's typology.
Korean's WALS 110A classification matches our datum's construction type.
English has nonperiphrastic (compact) causatives per WALS 111A.
English nonperiphrastic causatives are morphological per WALS 111A (corresponding to lexical causatives like kill).
Turkish has nonperiphrastic (compact) causatives per WALS 111A.
Turkish nonperiphrastic causatives are morphological (suffix -dür) per WALS 111A,
matching our datum.
Japanese has nonperiphrastic (compact) causatives per WALS 111A.
Japanese nonperiphrastic causatives are morphological (suffix -(s)ase) per WALS 111A,
matching our datum.
French has nonperiphrastic (compact) causatives per WALS 111A.
WALS classifies French as both (morphological and compound).
Korean has nonperiphrastic (compact) causatives per WALS 111A,
in addition to the periphrastic -ke ha- construction.
Korean nonperiphrastic causatives are morphological per WALS 111A.
WALS 110A total: 118 languages with periphrastic causative data.
WALS 111A total: 310 languages with nonperiphrastic causative data.
WALS 110A: 35 languages have sequential-only periphrastic causatives.
WALS 110A: 68 languages have purposive-only periphrastic causatives.
WALS 110A: 15 languages have both sequential and purposive.
WALS 111A: 254 languages have morphological-only nonperiphrastic causatives.
WALS 111A: 9 languages have compound-only nonperiphrastic causatives.
WALS 111A: 24 languages have both morphological and compound.
WALS 111A: 23 languages have neither morphological nor compound.
Purposive periphrastic causatives (PURP-type) are the dominant pattern cross-linguistically, outnumbering sequential (AND-type) roughly 2:1.
Morphological causatives overwhelmingly dominate nonperiphrastic strategies: 254 out of 310 languages (82%) have morphological-only.
Song's construction types map to @cite{comrie-1989}'s complexity scale.
The mapping is many-to-one and lossy at the COMPACT/freeMorpheme
boundary: French faire-V is compact + freeMorpheme in Song's
typology but periphrastic (analytic, two-word) in Comrie's. We
collapse this disagreement by mapping COMPACT → morphological
uniformly; the cost is invisibility for the faire case.
See @cite{folli-harley-2005} for the syntactic-structure dispute over French faire-infinitive vs faire-par that this collapse obscures.
Equations
- Phenomena.Causation.Studies.Song1996.CausativeConstructionType.compact.toComplexity = Semantics.Causation.Morphological.CausativeComplexity.morphological
- Phenomena.Causation.Studies.Song1996.CausativeConstructionType.and_.toComplexity = Semantics.Causation.Morphological.CausativeComplexity.periphrastic
- Phenomena.Causation.Studies.Song1996.CausativeConstructionType.purp.toComplexity = Semantics.Causation.Morphological.CausativeComplexity.periphrastic
Instances For
All non-compact (multi-clause) types are periphrastic.
Compact causatives are at most morphological — never periphrastic.
Both multi-clause Song types map to Comrie's periphrastic.
Relocated here from Phenomena/Case/Studies/Comrie1989.lean per the
chronology-discipline rule (Comrie 1989 cannot cite Song 1996; the
cross-paper bridge belongs in the later paper's study file).