Morphological Causation: Causative Construction Typology #
@cite{comrie-1989} @cite{song-1996} @cite{krejci-2012}
Causative constructions cross-linguistically vary along two orthogonal axes: morphological complexity (compact → analytic) and semantic directness (direct → indirect mediation). @cite{comrie-1989}'s central generalization: more complex morphology correlates with more indirect causation.
Causer Type #
Causative constructions are sensitive to the causer's intentionality and ontological category. Following @cite{hafeez-2025}, we distinguish:
- intentional human (IHCr): volitional, controlled action → full agentivity
- accidental human (AHCr): unintentional, no control → marginal agentivity
- natural force (NFCr): non-human, non-volitional → non-agentive
The key dimension is intentionality, not ontological type: IHCr and AHCr are both human but differ in agentivity. This three-way distinction drives construction selection in Urdu and other languages.
Causee/Affectee Type #
The second participant in a causal chain (causee or affectee) varies in four levels of control and animacy, following @cite{hafeez-2025}:
- controlling human (ContrHCEAF): exercises control over the induced action
- physically impacted human (PhysImpHCEAF): involuntarily coerced
- psychologically impacted human (PsychImpHCEAF): mentally affected
- inanimate (InanCEAF): no volition or sentience
Agentivity #
Agentivity decomposes into intentionality × control (following @cite{van-valin-wilkins-1996}). Three degrees:
- full: intentional causer (IHCr)
- marginal: accidental human (AHCr) or natural force (NFCr)
- partial/induced: causee exercises control under causer's influence
Bridges #
CauserType.toCausalSource→CausalSource(psych causation)CauserType.toAgentivityNode→AgentivityNode(agentivity lattice)CauserType.volitionality→Volitionality(root dimensions)CauserType.agentivityDegree→AgentivityDegreeCausativeConstructionbundles complexity + mediation + causer/causee restrictions for cross-linguistic comparisoncomrie_monotoneformalizes the compact-diffuse correlation
Intransitivization (@cite{krejci-2012}) #
The causative/inchoative alternation has two directions: causativization (adding an external cause) and intransitivization (removing or coidentifying it). @cite{krejci-2012}'s central insight: intransitive variants are NOT structurally uniform. Reflexive intransitives (German sich, Hindi apne-aap) coidentify causer and causee, retaining bieventive structure. Anticausative intransitives remove the external cause entirely, yielding monoeventive structure.
IntransitivizationTypedistinguishes reflexive, anticausative, and unmarked intransitivization- Three diagnostics (again/re- ambiguity, negation over CAUSE, "by itself") all detect the causer position retained by reflexive intransitives but absent from anticausatives
Causer type distinguished by intentionality and ontological category.
The key dimension is intentionality: IHCr and AHCr are both human but have fundamentally different agentivity profiles. NFCr is non-human and non-intentional.
This three-way distinction drives construction selection in Urdu (@cite{hafeez-2025}) and other languages.
- intentionalHuman : CauserType
- accidentalHuman : CauserType
- naturalForce : CauserType
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- Semantics.Causation.Morphological.instDecidableEqCauserType x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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Causee/affectee type: four levels of control and animacy.
@cite{hafeez-2025}'s four-way distinction captures the gradient of the second participant's autonomy in a causal chain. A controlling causee reduces the causer's responsibility; an inanimate affectee increases it.
- controllingHuman : CauseeAffecteeType
- physImpactHuman : CauseeAffecteeType
- psychImpactHuman : CauseeAffecteeType
- inanimate : CauseeAffecteeType
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- Semantics.Causation.Morphological.instDecidableEqCauseeAffecteeType x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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Degree of agentivity, decomposed from intentionality × control.
@cite{hafeez-2025}: "an intentional causer displays full agentivity, an accidental causer shows reduced or marginal agentivity, and a causee/affectee who exerts control displays induced or partial agentivity."
- full : AgentivityDegree
- marginal : AgentivityDegree
- induced : AgentivityDegree
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- Semantics.Causation.Morphological.instDecidableEqAgentivityDegree x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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Causer type determines causer's agentivity degree.
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- Semantics.Causation.Morphological.CauserType.intentionalHuman.agentivityDegree = Semantics.Causation.Morphological.AgentivityDegree.full
- Semantics.Causation.Morphological.CauserType.accidentalHuman.agentivityDegree = Semantics.Causation.Morphological.AgentivityDegree.marginal
- Semantics.Causation.Morphological.CauserType.naturalForce.agentivityDegree = Semantics.Causation.Morphological.AgentivityDegree.marginal
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A controlling causee has partial (induced) agentivity; all other causee types have no independent agentivity.
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Directness of causal mediation between causer and result.
@cite{comrie-1989}: direct causation involves no intermediary — the causer brings about the result without an intervening causee decision or action. Indirect causation involves a mediating causee who retains some autonomy over the caused event.
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- Semantics.Causation.Morphological.instDecidableEqMediation x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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Numeric rank: direct (0) < indirect (1). Used in comrie_monotone
to express the co-variation of complexity and indirectness as a
proper ordering rather than a disjunction.
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Morphological complexity of a causative construction.
@cite{comrie-1989}'s compact-to-analytic continuum:
- lexical: suppletive or idiosyncratic (kill/die, fell/fall)
- morphological: productive affix (Urdu -aa, Japanese -(s)ase)
- periphrastic: analytic multi-word (English "make X do Y")
Ordered from compact to analytic.
Naming-collision note: CausativeComplexity.lexical (this constructor)
and Phenomena/Causation/Studies/Song1996.CausativeMorphology.lexical
share the constructor name lexical but encode different claims.
CausativeComplexity.lexical is a construction-level claim — "this
causative construction sits at the most-compact end of Comrie's
continuum"; Song's CausativeMorphology.lexical is a morpheme-shape
claim — "no separable causal morpheme exists". English kill satisfies
both, but the inferential content differs. The two enums are NOT
interconvertible; the lossy CausativeConstructionType.toComplexity
bridge in Studies/Song1996.lean collapses Song's
compact / freeMorpheme (e.g. French faire-V) into
CausativeComplexity.morphological, even though @cite{folli-harley-2005}
analyse French faire as periphrastic.
- lexical : CausativeComplexity
- morphological : CausativeComplexity
- periphrastic : CausativeComplexity
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- Semantics.Causation.Morphological.instDecidableEqCausativeComplexity x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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Numeric encoding: lexical (0) < morphological (1) < periphrastic (2).
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A causative construction bundles morphological complexity with semantic parameters that govern its use.
Each language's causative system is a list of CausativeConstruction
values — e.g., Urdu has 7 (acceptability study), Japanese has 3.
- complexity : CausativeComplexity
Morphological complexity (compact → analytic)
- mediation : Mediation
Direct vs. indirect mediation
- causerRestriction : Option CauserType
Restriction on causer type (none = unrestricted)
- causeeRestriction : Option CauseeAffecteeType
Required causee/affectee type (none = unrestricted)
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A semantic prototype specifies the combination of semantic variables under which a construction receives its peak acceptability rating or is preferentially produced.
-- UNVERIFIED: table number @cite{hafeez-2025}: each construction has a (possibly empty) set of features that define its prototype. A prototype is "hypothesized" when the acceptability peak exceeds 50% ceiling for a scene type.
Prototypes use both positive (e.g., [+IHCr]) and negative
(e.g., [-IHCr]) feature specifications. Both are represented as lists:
presentCausers/absentCausers etc.
- presentCausers : List CauserType
Causer types that must be present (e.g., [+IHCr])
- absentCausers : List CauserType
Causer types that must be absent (e.g., [-IHCr])
- presentCausees : List CauseeAffecteeType
Causee/affectee types that must be present
- absentCausees : List CauseeAffecteeType
Causee/affectee types that must be absent
- requiresMediation : Option Bool
Whether mediation is part of the prototype
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Comrie's monotonicity (@cite{comrie-1989}): within a single language, if construction A is morphologically more compact than construction B, then A encodes at least as direct causation as B.
More compact morphology correlates with more direct causation: compactness and directness co-vary monotonically. Stated as an ordering on mediation rank (direct = 0 < indirect = 1).
Equations
- Semantics.Causation.Morphological.comrie_monotone c1 c2 = (c1.complexity < c2.complexity → c1.mediation.rank ≤ c2.mediation.rank)
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Grammatical relation slots available for causee assignment, ordered from highest to lowest on the hierarchy.
@cite{comrie-1989}: when a verb is causativized, the original subject (S or A) is demoted to the next available slot on the grammatical relations hierarchy. The slot depends on the base verb's valency — higher valency leaves fewer slots open:
- Intransitive base (valency 1): causee → direct object
- Transitive base (valency 2): causee → indirect object (DO occupied)
- Ditransitive base (valency 3): causee → oblique (DO, IO occupied)
This hierarchy is attested across typologically diverse languages: Turkish, French, Dargwa, Japanese, among others.
- directObject : CauseeSlot
- indirectObject : CauseeSlot
- oblique : CauseeSlot
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Equations
- Semantics.Causation.Morphological.instDecidableEqCauseeSlot x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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Rank on the GR hierarchy: DO (2) > IO (1) > OBL (0).
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Predict causee slot from base verb valency.
@cite{comrie-1989}: the causee occupies the highest available slot not already filled by the base verb's arguments.
- valency 1 (intransitive): S is the sole argument → causee = DO
- valency 2 (transitive): S + DO filled → causee = IO
- valency ≥ 3 (ditransitive): S + DO + IO filled → causee = OBL
Equations
- Semantics.Causation.Morphological.causeeDemotion 1 = Semantics.Causation.Morphological.CauseeSlot.directObject
- Semantics.Causation.Morphological.causeeDemotion 2 = Semantics.Causation.Morphological.CauseeSlot.indirectObject
- Semantics.Causation.Morphological.causeeDemotion x✝ = Semantics.Causation.Morphological.CauseeSlot.oblique
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Monotonicity: higher base valency → lower causee slot. Proved for the bounded range 1 ≤ v1 < v2 ≤ 3.
All causer types are "external" in @cite{kim-2024}'s sense.
The causer type taxonomy refines CausalSource.external:
psych verbs' internal source (mental representation) is
not a causer type in the morphological causation sense.
Equations
- Semantics.Causation.Morphological.CauserType.intentionalHuman.toCausalSource = Semantics.Causation.Psych.CausalSource.external
- Semantics.Causation.Morphological.CauserType.accidentalHuman.toCausalSource = Semantics.Causation.Psych.CausalSource.external
- Semantics.Causation.Morphological.CauserType.naturalForce.toCausalSource = Semantics.Causation.Psych.CausalSource.external
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Intentional human causers are volitional; accidental and natural force causers are not.
Equations
- Semantics.Causation.Morphological.CauserType.intentionalHuman.volitionality = Semantics.Lexical.Roots.Volitionality.volitional
- Semantics.Causation.Morphological.CauserType.accidentalHuman.volitionality = Semantics.Lexical.Roots.Volitionality.nonvolitional
- Semantics.Causation.Morphological.CauserType.naturalForce.volitionality = Semantics.Lexical.Roots.Volitionality.nonvolitional
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Intentional human causers map to the agentive pole of the lattice (volition + sentience + instigation); accidental humans retain sentience but lack volition; natural forces have instigation only.
Equations
- Semantics.Causation.Morphological.CauserType.intentionalHuman.toAgentivityNode = { volition := true, sentience := true, instigation := true, motion := false }
- Semantics.Causation.Morphological.CauserType.accidentalHuman.toAgentivityNode = { volition := false, sentience := true, instigation := true, motion := false }
- Semantics.Causation.Morphological.CauserType.naturalForce.toAgentivityNode = { volition := false, sentience := false, instigation := true, motion := false }
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Intentional human causers have maximal agentivity among causer types.
Accidental human causers retain sentience but lack volition.
Natural force causers have only instigation (no sentience, no volition).
All causer types project to external CausalSource.
IHCr has full agentivity; AHCr and NFCr have marginal.
Controlling causees have induced agentivity; all other causee types do not.
How an alternating verb forms its intransitive variant.
@cite{krejci-2012}'s central insight: intransitive variants of causative/inchoative alternation verbs are NOT structurally uniform. Two distinct operations produce surface intransitives:
- anticausative: on the deletion analysis (@cite{krejci-2012}),
the external cause is removed entirely; the result is monoeventive:
[BECOME [x STATE]], with no causer position. On the competing
reflexivization analysis (@cite{koontz-garboden-2009}), CAUSE is
retained and the EFFECTOR is identified with the THEME — the result
is bieventive. See
Phenomena/Causation/Studies/KoontzGarboden2009.lean. - reflexive: the causer and causee are coidentified — a single participant fills both roles. The result is bieventive: [x ACT] CAUSE [BECOME [x STATE]] with causer = causee. Morphologically marked: German sich, Marathi -un.
- unmarked: no morphological distinction (English break). Event structure must be diagnosed per-verb.
- anticausative : IntransitivizationType
- reflexive : IntransitivizationType
- unmarked : IntransitivizationType
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Equations
- Semantics.Causation.Morphological.instDecidableEqIntransitivizationType x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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Reflexive intransitives retain the causer position (coidentified with the causee), preserving bieventive structure. Anticausatives remove the causer entirely, yielding monoeventive structure.
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Does the intransitive variant involve coidentification of causer and causee (a single participant in both roles)?
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"By itself" (von selbst, apne-aap, aapo-aap) is licensed when a causer position exists, even if coidentified with the causee. Anticausatives lack a causer position entirely.
English unmarked intransitives also license "by itself" ("The door opened by itself"), because the unmarked form can be either reflexive or anticausative — only true anticausatives block the modifier.
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Coidentification implies bieventivity (the causer position preserved by coidentification is what makes the structure bieventive).
Bieventivity implies "by itself" licensing (both track the presence of a causer position).
Anticausatives are monoeventive on @cite{krejci-2012}'s analysis:
no coidentification, no bieventivity, no "by itself" licensing.
@cite{koontz-garboden-2009} disputes this — see
Phenomena/Causation/Studies/KoontzGarboden2009.lean.
Reflexive intransitives are bieventive with coidentification.
@cite{krejci-2012} proposes a cross-linguistic hierarchy of causativizability — the extent to which a morphological causative morpheme can apply to different verb classes:
unaccusatives > middles/ingestives > unergatives > simple transitives
The hierarchy is implicational: if a morpheme causativizes a
higher verb class, it also causativizes all lower classes. This
-- UNVERIFIED: table number
is validated across 12 languages in @cite{krejci-2012}.
Cross-linguistic data on causativizability: which verb classes a given morphological causative morpheme can apply to.
- language : String
- morpheme : String
- unaccusative : Bool
- middlesIngestive : Bool
- unergative : Bool
- simpleTransitive : Bool
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- Semantics.Causation.Morphological.instBEqCausativizabilityData.beq x✝¹ x✝ = false
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The hierarchy is implicational: each level implies all lower levels. simpleTransitive → unergative → middlesIngestive → unaccusative.
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- d.respectsHierarchy = ((!d.simpleTransitive || d.unergative) && (!d.unergative || d.middlesIngestive) && (!d.middlesIngestive || d.unaccusative))
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Cross-linguistic causativizability data from @cite{krejci-2012}. Languages are ordered from narrowest to broadest causative scope.
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All 12 languages respect the implicational hierarchy.