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Linglib.Theories.Semantics.Causation.Morphological

Morphological Causation: Causative Construction Typology #

@cite{comrie-1989} @cite{song-1996} @cite{krejci-2012}

Causative constructions cross-linguistically vary along two orthogonal axes: morphological complexity (compact → analytic) and semantic directness (direct → indirect mediation). @cite{comrie-1989}'s central generalization: more complex morphology correlates with more indirect causation.

Causer Type #

Causative constructions are sensitive to the causer's intentionality and ontological category. Following @cite{hafeez-2025}, we distinguish:

The key dimension is intentionality, not ontological type: IHCr and AHCr are both human but differ in agentivity. This three-way distinction drives construction selection in Urdu and other languages.

Causee/Affectee Type #

The second participant in a causal chain (causee or affectee) varies in four levels of control and animacy, following @cite{hafeez-2025}:

Agentivity #

Agentivity decomposes into intentionality × control (following @cite{van-valin-wilkins-1996}). Three degrees:

Bridges #

Intransitivization (@cite{krejci-2012}) #

The causative/inchoative alternation has two directions: causativization (adding an external cause) and intransitivization (removing or coidentifying it). @cite{krejci-2012}'s central insight: intransitive variants are NOT structurally uniform. Reflexive intransitives (German sich, Hindi apne-aap) coidentify causer and causee, retaining bieventive structure. Anticausative intransitives remove the external cause entirely, yielding monoeventive structure.

Causer type distinguished by intentionality and ontological category.

The key dimension is intentionality: IHCr and AHCr are both human but have fundamentally different agentivity profiles. NFCr is non-human and non-intentional.

This three-way distinction drives construction selection in Urdu (@cite{hafeez-2025}) and other languages.

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      Causee/affectee type: four levels of control and animacy.

      @cite{hafeez-2025}'s four-way distinction captures the gradient of the second participant's autonomy in a causal chain. A controlling causee reduces the causer's responsibility; an inanimate affectee increases it.

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          Degree of agentivity, decomposed from intentionality × control.

          @cite{hafeez-2025}: "an intentional causer displays full agentivity, an accidental causer shows reduced or marginal agentivity, and a causee/affectee who exerts control displays induced or partial agentivity."

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              A controlling causee has partial (induced) agentivity; all other causee types have no independent agentivity.

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                Directness of causal mediation between causer and result.

                @cite{comrie-1989}: direct causation involves no intermediary — the causer brings about the result without an intervening causee decision or action. Indirect causation involves a mediating causee who retains some autonomy over the caused event.

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                    Numeric rank: direct (0) < indirect (1). Used in comrie_monotone to express the co-variation of complexity and indirectness as a proper ordering rather than a disjunction.

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                      Morphological complexity of a causative construction.

                      @cite{comrie-1989}'s compact-to-analytic continuum:

                      • lexical: suppletive or idiosyncratic (kill/die, fell/fall)
                      • morphological: productive affix (Urdu -aa, Japanese -(s)ase)
                      • periphrastic: analytic multi-word (English "make X do Y")

                      Ordered from compact to analytic.

                      Naming-collision note: CausativeComplexity.lexical (this constructor) and Phenomena/Causation/Studies/Song1996.CausativeMorphology.lexical share the constructor name lexical but encode different claims. CausativeComplexity.lexical is a construction-level claim — "this causative construction sits at the most-compact end of Comrie's continuum"; Song's CausativeMorphology.lexical is a morpheme-shape claim — "no separable causal morpheme exists". English kill satisfies both, but the inferential content differs. The two enums are NOT interconvertible; the lossy CausativeConstructionType.toComplexity bridge in Studies/Song1996.lean collapses Song's compact / freeMorpheme (e.g. French faire-V) into CausativeComplexity.morphological, even though @cite{folli-harley-2005} analyse French faire as periphrastic.

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                          A causative construction bundles morphological complexity with semantic parameters that govern its use.

                          Each language's causative system is a list of CausativeConstruction values — e.g., Urdu has 7 (acceptability study), Japanese has 3.

                          • complexity : CausativeComplexity

                            Morphological complexity (compact → analytic)

                          • mediation : Mediation

                            Direct vs. indirect mediation

                          • causerRestriction : Option CauserType

                            Restriction on causer type (none = unrestricted)

                          • causeeRestriction : Option CauseeAffecteeType

                            Required causee/affectee type (none = unrestricted)

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                                A semantic prototype specifies the combination of semantic variables under which a construction receives its peak acceptability rating or is preferentially produced.

                                -- UNVERIFIED: table number @cite{hafeez-2025}: each construction has a (possibly empty) set of features that define its prototype. A prototype is "hypothesized" when the acceptability peak exceeds 50% ceiling for a scene type.

                                Prototypes use both positive (e.g., [+IHCr]) and negative (e.g., [-IHCr]) feature specifications. Both are represented as lists: presentCausers/absentCausers etc.

                                • presentCausers : List CauserType

                                  Causer types that must be present (e.g., [+IHCr])

                                • absentCausers : List CauserType

                                  Causer types that must be absent (e.g., [-IHCr])

                                • presentCausees : List CauseeAffecteeType

                                  Causee/affectee types that must be present

                                • absentCausees : List CauseeAffecteeType

                                  Causee/affectee types that must be absent

                                • requiresMediation : Option Bool

                                  Whether mediation is part of the prototype

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                                      Comrie's monotonicity (@cite{comrie-1989}): within a single language, if construction A is morphologically more compact than construction B, then A encodes at least as direct causation as B.

                                      More compact morphology correlates with more direct causation: compactness and directness co-vary monotonically. Stated as an ordering on mediation rank (direct = 0 < indirect = 1).

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                                        Grammatical relation slots available for causee assignment, ordered from highest to lowest on the hierarchy.

                                        @cite{comrie-1989}: when a verb is causativized, the original subject (S or A) is demoted to the next available slot on the grammatical relations hierarchy. The slot depends on the base verb's valency — higher valency leaves fewer slots open:

                                        • Intransitive base (valency 1): causee → direct object
                                        • Transitive base (valency 2): causee → indirect object (DO occupied)
                                        • Ditransitive base (valency 3): causee → oblique (DO, IO occupied)

                                        This hierarchy is attested across typologically diverse languages: Turkish, French, Dargwa, Japanese, among others.

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                                            Predict causee slot from base verb valency.

                                            @cite{comrie-1989}: the causee occupies the highest available slot not already filled by the base verb's arguments.

                                            • valency 1 (intransitive): S is the sole argument → causee = DO
                                            • valency 2 (transitive): S + DO filled → causee = IO
                                            • valency ≥ 3 (ditransitive): S + DO + IO filled → causee = OBL
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                                              theorem Semantics.Causation.Morphological.causee_demotion_monotone (v1 v2 : Fin 4) :
                                              v1 1v1 < v2(causeeDemotion v2).rank (causeeDemotion v1).rank

                                              Monotonicity: higher base valency → lower causee slot. Proved for the bounded range 1 ≤ v1 < v2 ≤ 3.

                                              Intentional human causers map to the agentive pole of the lattice (volition + sentience + instigation); accidental humans retain sentience but lack volition; natural forces have instigation only.

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                                                theorem Semantics.Causation.Morphological.naturalForce_instigation_only :
                                                CauserType.naturalForce.toAgentivityNode = { volition := false, sentience := false, instigation := true, motion := false }

                                                Natural force causers have only instigation (no sentience, no volition).

                                                All causer types project to external CausalSource.

                                                Controlling causees have induced agentivity; all other causee types do not.

                                                How an alternating verb forms its intransitive variant.

                                                @cite{krejci-2012}'s central insight: intransitive variants of causative/inchoative alternation verbs are NOT structurally uniform. Two distinct operations produce surface intransitives:

                                                • anticausative: on the deletion analysis (@cite{krejci-2012}), the external cause is removed entirely; the result is monoeventive: [BECOME [x STATE]], with no causer position. On the competing reflexivization analysis (@cite{koontz-garboden-2009}), CAUSE is retained and the EFFECTOR is identified with the THEME — the result is bieventive. See Phenomena/Causation/Studies/KoontzGarboden2009.lean.
                                                • reflexive: the causer and causee are coidentified — a single participant fills both roles. The result is bieventive: [x ACT] CAUSE [BECOME [x STATE]] with causer = causee. Morphologically marked: German sich, Marathi -un.
                                                • unmarked: no morphological distinction (English break). Event structure must be diagnosed per-verb.
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                                                    Reflexive intransitives retain the causer position (coidentified with the causee), preserving bieventive structure. Anticausatives remove the causer entirely, yielding monoeventive structure.

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                                                      Does the intransitive variant involve coidentification of causer and causee (a single participant in both roles)?

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                                                        "By itself" (von selbst, apne-aap, aapo-aap) is licensed when a causer position exists, even if coidentified with the causee. Anticausatives lack a causer position entirely.

                                                        English unmarked intransitives also license "by itself" ("The door opened by itself"), because the unmarked form can be either reflexive or anticausative — only true anticausatives block the modifier.

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                                                          Coidentification implies bieventivity (the causer position preserved by coidentification is what makes the structure bieventive).

                                                          Bieventivity implies "by itself" licensing (both track the presence of a causer position).

                                                          Anticausatives are monoeventive on @cite{krejci-2012}'s analysis: no coidentification, no bieventivity, no "by itself" licensing. @cite{koontz-garboden-2009} disputes this — see Phenomena/Causation/Studies/KoontzGarboden2009.lean.

                                                          @cite{krejci-2012} proposes a cross-linguistic hierarchy of causativizability — the extent to which a morphological causative morpheme can apply to different verb classes:

                                                              unaccusatives > middles/ingestives > unergatives > simple transitives
                                                          
                                                          The hierarchy is implicational: if a morpheme causativizes a
                                                          higher verb class, it also causativizes all lower classes. This
                                                          -- UNVERIFIED: table number
                                                          is validated across 12 languages in @cite{krejci-2012}. 
                                                          

                                                          Cross-linguistic data on causativizability: which verb classes a given morphological causative morpheme can apply to.

                                                          • language : String
                                                          • morpheme : String
                                                          • unaccusative : Bool
                                                          • middlesIngestive : Bool
                                                          • unergative : Bool
                                                          • simpleTransitive : Bool
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                                                                The hierarchy is implicational: each level implies all lower levels. simpleTransitive → unergative → middlesIngestive → unaccusative.

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                                                                  Cross-linguistic causativizability data from @cite{krejci-2012}. Languages are ordered from narrowest to broadest causative scope.

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                                                                    All 12 languages respect the implicational hierarchy.