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Linglib.Phenomena.Causation.Studies.MartinSchaeferKastner2025

@cite{martin-schaefer-kastner-2025} — The Lexical Pragmatics of Reflexive Marking #

Martin, Fabienne, Florian Schäfer & Itamar Kastner. 2025. The lexical pragmatics of reflexive marking. Language 101(3): 524–571.

Core thesis #

French anticausatives marked with se or left unmarked do not differ in meaning. Rather, cooperative speakers manage the voice ambiguity introduced by se (which can mark both anticausative and reflexive voice) in line with the Manner supermaxim "Be perspicuous." The choice between ±se is driven by three interacting factors:

  1. Verb class (limited-control vs. in-control)
  2. Animacy of the sole DP argument (human vs. nonhuman)
  3. Agent bias — the tendency to interpret human DPs as agents

Three generalizations (Table 1) #

Bridges #

Relationship to @cite{koontz-garboden-2009} #

MSK2025 presupposes K-G 2009's reflexive-anticausative syncretism: se marks both anticausative and reflexive voice because anticausativization IS reflexivization. The pragmatic effects arise precisely because this syncretism creates voice ambiguity that speakers must manage.

Morphological class of an anticausative with respect to se-marking. @cite{martin-schaefer-kastner-2025} §1:

  • se: AC form cannot have se (changer de position)
  • +se: AC form must have se (s'affaiblir)
  • ±se: AC form optionally has se (casser, plier, rougir)
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      Lexical-semantic class of a change-of-state verb based on whether the change is typically under the human undergoer's control. @cite{martin-schaefer-kastner-2025} §1.1.

      This classification reflects shared world knowledge about human agency, NOT lexical-semantic structure. Property-change verbs from both classes share the same entailment profile (cosSubjectProfile); the distinction is pragmatic (see control_level_not_from_entailments).

      • limitedControl : ControlLevel

        Change typically NOT under human control: rougir 'blush', pâlir 'get pale', rajeunir 'rejuvenate'.

      • inControl : ControlLevel

        Change typically under human control: plier 'bend', (s')approcher 'get close', (se) courber 'bend/curve'.

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          Animacy of the sole DP argument.

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              Speaker's communicative goal regarding agency attribution. G3 (responsibility preference) is conditional on this goal: with nonhuman DPs, +se is preferred only when the speaker aims to present the entity as responsible.

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                  ControlLevel is NOT derivable from Dowty's entailment profiles. Limited-control property-change verbs (rougir) and in-control property-change verbs (refroidir) share the same entailment profile: both lack volition, sentience, causation, and movement.

                  The classification reflects shared world knowledge:

                  • rougir 'blush': blushing is not typically under human control
                  • refroidir 'cool down': cooling can be under human control

                  Both are non-volitional changes of state with no movement.

                  Movement in the entailment profile is a SUFFICIENT but not NECESSARY condition for in-control status. Motion verbs like approcher have movement AND are in-control. But property-change verbs like refroidir are in-control WITHOUT movement.

                  Voice flavors available for a form WITHOUT se. Only the anticausative (non-thematic) parse is available. The DP is a theme, not an agent.

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                    Voice flavors available for a form WITH se. Both anticausative and reflexive parses are available — this is the reflexive-anticausative syncretism (@cite{schaefer-2008}, @cite{koontz-garboden-2009}).

                    K-G 2009's reflexivization analysis predicts exactly this syncretism: se marks reflexivization, which covers both the reflexive reading (the entity acts on itself) and the anticausative reading (EFFECTOR = THEME, agentivity bleached by underspecification).

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                      The se-marked form is ambiguous: it has strictly more voice parses.

                      The bare form is unambiguous for anticausative voice.

                      Agent bias: human DPs in subject position are preferentially interpreted as agents (@cite{bickel-etal-2015}, @cite{sauppe-etal-2023}). With nonhuman DPs, the reflexive parse is not a priori salient.

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                        Whether the non-target sense (reflexive) clashes with shared assumptions about the event.

                        • Limited-control verbs: the reflexive parse (DP = agent of own change) clashes with the assumption that the change is not under the human's control. Reflexive parse = misleading.
                        • In-control verbs: the reflexive parse aligns with the assumption that the change IS under the human's control. Reflexive parse = not misleading.
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                          The predicted preference for the form of ±se AC-verbs. Returns some true if +se is preferred, some false if −se is preferred, none if no preference arises.

                          Derived compositionally from the paper's §2.2 reasoning:

                          1. Is the reflexive parse salient? (reflexiveParseSalient) Agent bias activates with human DPs, making the reflexive parse of se a priori salient. With nonhuman DPs, no ambiguity to manage.

                          2. If salient, does it clash with shared assumptions? (reflexiveParseClashes)

                            • YES (limited-control): reflexive parse misleading → AVOID ambiguity → prefer bare (−se). @cite{dowty-1980}: if structure A is ambiguous between X and Y while B has only X, reserve A for Y.
                            • NO (in-control): bare form's anti-implicature ("no agent") clashes instead → MAINTAIN ambiguity → prefer +se.

                          §2.3 reframes "Avoid ambiguity" as "MANAGE ambiguity" — a single Manner principle with two optimal strategies depending on whether the nontarget sense aligns with or clashes against shared assumptions.

                          For nonhuman DPs, see predictSePreferenceExt which incorporates the speaker's responsibility goal (G3).

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                            Extended preference prediction incorporating the speaker's communicative goal (G3: responsibility preference for nonhuman DPs).

                            With nonhuman DPs in neutral contexts, neither form is preferred (agent bias inactive). But when the speaker aims to convey that the nonhuman entity is responsible for the change, +se is preferred: only the se-marked form allows a reflexive parse, which is the only grammatical way to assign agency to a nonhuman sole argument.

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                              The pragmatic principle behind each preference.

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                                Generalization 1 — Unmarked limited-control preference (human DP). With a limited-control ±se verb and a human DP, the −se form is preferred (experiment 1a: neutral/inchoative contexts).

                                Generalization 2 — Marked in-control preference (human DP). With an in-control ±se verb and a human DP, the +se form is preferred (experiment 1b: all three contexts).

                                Generalization 3 — Marked responsibility preference (nonhuman DP). With a nonhuman DP, +se is preferred when the speaker aims to present the entity as responsible. Only se allows the reflexive parse, which is the only grammatical way to assign agency to a nonhuman sole argument. Control level is irrelevant — the mechanism (reflexive parse as sole agency channel) applies uniformly.

                                Pragmatic form preferences arise ONLY with ±se verbs, where the speaker has a genuine choice between bare and se-marked forms.

                                • se verbs: only the bare form exists → no choice, no pragmatics
                                • +se verbs: only the se form exists → no choice, no pragmatics
                                • ±se verbs: both forms available → speaker must manage ambiguity

                                The number of available forms determines whether pragmatic pressure applies.

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                                  Only ±se verbs have a genuine choice between forms.

                                  All anticausative verb profiles predict unaccusativity (no volition, no causation, has P-Patient features). This is expected: anticausative subjects are derived internal arguments.

                                  The causation claim (@cite{labelle-1992}, @cite{labelle-doron-2010}) predicts that the presence vs. absence of se correlates with external vs. internal causation ACROSS THE BOARD. But the preferences documented here arise ONLY with ±se verbs (where the speaker has a choice) and ONLY with human DPs (where agent bias is active). This is incompatible with a semantic distinction between ±se forms.

                                  Formally: the same verb class (±se) shows OPPOSITE preferences depending on control level — limited-control prefers −se, in-control prefers +se. A semantic account predicting uniform behavior for all ±se verbs is falsified.

                                  Raw mean acceptability ratings (7-point Likert scale). Encoded as rationals (×1000) for decidable comparison. From experiments 1a and 1b.

                                  • context : String
                                  • animacy : Animacy
                                  • plusSeMean :

                                    +se mean × 1000 (rational encoding)

                                  • minusSeMean :

                                    −se mean × 1000 (rational encoding)

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                                        Experiment 1a: limited-control verbs (Table 2). Values are raw means × 1000.

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                                          Experiment 1b: in-control verbs (Table 4). Values are raw means × 1000.

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                                            G1 confirmed: for limited-control verbs with human DPs in the neutral context, −se ratings (6.526) exceed +se ratings (3.218).

                                            G2 confirmed: for in-control verbs with human DPs in the neutral context, +se ratings (5.904) exceed −se ratings (3.628).

                                            G1 reverses in reflexive context: with limited-control verbs, human DPs in the reflexive context prefer +se (4.904 > 3.551). This is expected: the reflexive context forces an agentive construal, which only +se can express.

                                            G2 holds in reflexive context too: with in-control verbs, human DPs in the reflexive context strongly prefer +se (5.891 > 2.994).