Documentation

Linglib.Phenomena.Causation.Studies.Coon2019

Chuj Verb Building: Empirical Data and Bridge Theorems #

@cite{coon-2019}

Minimalist analysis and bridge theorems for @cite{coon-2019} "Building verbs in Chuj: Consequences for the nature of roots." Journal of Linguistics 55(1): 35–81.

Theory-neutral data (root classes, voice morphology, paradigm grammaticality, -aj distribution, agent diagnostics, root lexicon) lives in the Chuj fragment (Fragments/Chuj/VerbBuilding.lean). This file provides:

Paradigm examples (§§1–2) #

Glossed Chuj sentences with root, voice suffix, and grammaticality.

Minimalist analysis (§§3–9) #

Voice heads as Minimalist.VoiceHead instances, event decomposition via buildDecomposition, existential closure (-aj), and division of labor / causative alternation proved from the Voice–root split.

Bridge theorems (§§10–16) #

Connect the fragment's theory-neutral types (CRootClass, ChujVoiceSuffix, isGrammatical, etc.) to Minimalist VoiceHead properties and to the @cite{beavers-etal-2021} root typology.

Chuj fragment bridge (§§10–15) #

  1. Root class ↔ Root arity: CRootClass maps to RootClassification values. √TV = selectsTheme, others = noTheme.
  2. Voice suffix ↔ VoiceHead: theta assignment, D feature, phase head.
  3. Paradigm predictions: isGrammatical matches data attestation.
  4. -aj predictions: hasImplicitExternal / triggersAj match -aj distribution.
  5. Agent diagnostics: assignsTheta matches agent adverb / by-phrase.
  6. Division of labor: formsBareTransitive aligns with arity.

Root typology bridge #

The chronologically-later @cite{beavers-etal-2021} paper hosts the bridge content connecting Coon's Chuj root classes to the cross-linguistic CoS typology (relocated to Phenomena/Causation/Studies/BeaversEtAl2021.lean §§8-14 per the chronological-dependency rule — Coon 2019 < Beavers 2021, so only the later paper may reference the earlier).

A glossed Chuj example sentence.

  • exNumber :

    Example number in the paper

  • page :

    Page number

  • chuj : String

    Chuj form

  • english : String

    English translation

  • Root used (from the Chuj fragment lexicon)

  • Voice suffix

  • grammatical : Bool

    Whether the example is grammatical

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      (10a) Active transitive: √TV + Ø (§2.2, p. 41).

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        (7a) √ITV + null v (§2.1, p. 40).

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          (23a) √POS + -w (§3, p. 48).

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            (16b) √NOM + -w (§2.5, p. 45).

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              (62) √TV + -chaj (passive, §4.1.1, p. 68).

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                (59) √TV + -j (agentless passive, §4.1.2, p. 67).

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                  (63a) Agent adverb with -chaj: grammatical (§4.1.1, p. 68).

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                    (67a) Agent adverb with -j: ungrammatical (§4.1.2, p. 70).

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                      (54a) √TV + -w incorporation antipassive (§4, p. 64).

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                        (55b) √TV + -w absolutive antipassive (§4, p. 65).

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                          theorem Coon2019.examples_grammaticality :
                          ex10a.grammatical = true ex7a.grammatical = true ex23a.grammatical = true ex16b.grammatical = true ex62.grammatical = true ex59.grammatical = true ex63a.grammatical = true ex67a.grammatical = false ex54a.grammatical = true ex55.grammatical = true

                          Grammatical examples are predicted grammatical; ungrammatical examples are predicted ungrammatical.

                          Active transitive v/Voice⁰ (Ø): introduces overt agent in Spec,VoiceP, assigns ergative case, phase head (v*).

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                            Agentive intransitive v/Voice⁰ (-w): introduces overt agent in Spec,VoiceP but assigns absolutive (not ergative) case (p. 54). Merges directly with root — cannot attach to derived stems (p. 54, (34b)). Used with √NOM and √POS to verbalize roots, and with √TV in incorporation antipassives (where the theme is a bare NP). Also models the null intransitive v/Voice⁰ for √ITV roots (p. 40): both introduce an agent and assign absolutive, differing only in overt (-w) vs null morphological realization.

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                              Passive v/Voice⁰ (-ch): assigns θ-role to an implicit (existentially bound) external argument (p. 68–69). Agent-oriented adverbs and by-phrases are licensed, confirming semantic presence of agent. Only combines with √TV roots.

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                                Agentless passive v/Voice⁰ (-j): verbalizes stem but introduces no external argument — neither overt nor implicit (p. 70: "does not assign a thematic role and does not merge an external argument"). No agent-oriented adverbs, no agentive by-phrases. Used with √TV (agentless passive) and non-transitive roots (inchoative/stative readings).

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                                  Lower event structure for result roots: cause + change + result state.

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                                    Lower event structure for activity roots (√TV PC, √ITV, √NOM): no sub-eventive decomposition below Voice.

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                                      Lower event structure for positional roots (√POS): stative.

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                                        All three agentive voices (Ø, -w, -ch) assign a θ-role.

                                        -j does NOT assign a θ-role: agentless (p. 70).

                                        Only Ø is a phase head (assigns ergative case).

                                        √TV result + Ø → causative [vDO, vGO, vBE] (active transitive).

                                        √TV result + -ch → causative [vDO, vGO, vBE] (passive with implicit agent). Event structure is still causative — the agent is semantically present.

                                        √TV result + -j → inchoative [vGO, vBE] (agentless passive / anticausative). No agent at all — the event is a pure change-of-state (p. 70).

                                        √ITV + v/Voice⁰ → activity [vDO] (intransitive). Uses v_w, which shares formal properties with the null intransitive v/Voice⁰ for √ITV (both are agentive, non-ERG-assigning; p. 40).

                                        √POS + -w → [vDO, vBE]: agent assumes a position (agentive stative). (p. 48, (23)): chot-w-i "The frog hopped."

                                        √NOM + -w → activity [vDO] (denominal agentive intransitive). (p. 45, (16b)): chanhal-w-i "I danced."

                                        Does this Voice head have an implicit (existentially bound) external argument? True when Voice assigns θ but has no overt specifier.

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                                          def Coon2019.triggersAj (v : Minimalist.VoiceHead) (implicitInternal : Bool) :
                                          Bool

                                          -aj (Existential Closure) surfaces when there is any implicit argument: implicit external (from Voice, as in -ch) or implicit internal (from theme suppression in absolutive antipassive -w-aj).

                                          implicitInternal is true when a √TV root's theme is not filled by an overt DP (absolutive antipassive, not incorporation antipassive).

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                                            -ch always triggers -aj (implicit external agent; p. 69).

                                            Ø never has an implicit external (agent is overt ERG DP).

                                            -w never has an implicit external (agent is overt ABS DP; p. 54).

                                            -j has no implicit external (there is no agent at all, not even implicit; p. 70: "no thematic agent, implicit or otherwise").

                                            theorem Coon2019.ch_aj_passive :
                                            triggersAj v_ch false = true

                                            -ch-aj: passive of √TV with implicit agent (ex. (58), p. 66).

                                            -w-aj: absolutive antipassive (√TV theme is implicit; ex. (58), p. 66).

                                            -w incorporation antipassive: theme is overt bare NP → no -aj (ex. (58), p. 66; cf. (26b), p. 50).

                                            -w serves the same structural function across three root classes: it merges directly with the root, verbalizes it, and introduces an agent without assigning ERG (p. 54–56). The only difference is the root's lower event structure.

                                            Division of labor (@cite{coon-2019}, ex. (2)/(77), p. 75): the root determines whether a theme is present; Voice determines whether an agent is present. Same root with different Voice → different event type; same Voice with different root → same external argument status.

                                            The causative alternation in Chuj is determined by Voice, not by the root (instantiation of voice_determines_causativity_go_be for Chuj heads). For result roots, causativity tracks exactly with θ-assignment.

                                            Map the phenomena's root class to the fragment's RootClassification. This connects theory-neutral distributional classes to the theoretically analyzed RootClassification structure. √TV maps to rootTV_res as a representative — the choice between rootTV_res and rootTV_pc is arbitrary for arity (both are selectsTheme); only changeType differs.

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                                              √TV maps to a theme-selecting root; all others map to non-theme roots. This is the formal content of the observation that only √TV forms bare transitive stems (§2.2).

                                              The data's formsBareTransitive matches the fragment's hasInternalArg. Only roots that select a theme can form bare transitive stems.

                                              Theta assignment matches: the data's hasAgent agrees with the fragment's AssignsTheta for all four voice suffixes.

                                              The data's agent adverb diagnostic matches the fragment's theta assignment. Agent-oriented adverbs require a theta-role-bearing Voice head.

                                              The -ch vs -j contrast is the critical test: both are passives (no overt external arg), but they differ in theta assignment. The agent diagnostic data confirms the fragment's distinction.

                                              The data's -aj on passives matches the fragment's hasImplicitExternal. -aj appears when there is an implicit (but not absent) external argument.

                                              The fragment's triggersAj predicts the data's full -aj distribution:

                                              • -ch (implicit ext) → -aj
                                              • -j (no ext) → no -aj
                                              • -w absolutive (implicit int) → -aj
                                              • -w incorporation (overt int) → no -aj

                                              The fragment predicts correct event decompositions for each root×voice combination attested in the data.

                                              √TV result + Ø → causative (active transitive) √TV result + -j → inchoative (agentless passive / anticausative) √TV result + -ch → causative (passive with implicit agent) √ITV + -w → activity (intransitive)

                                              The core empirical claim (ex. (2)/(77), p. 75): roots determine internal arguments, Voice determines external arguments.

                                              The data confirms this in two ways:

                                              1. Theme persistence: √TV always has an internal arg regardless of Voice
                                              2. Voice determines agent: same root with Ø has overt agent, with -ch has implicit agent, with -j has no agent

                                              Theme persistence across all four voice forms for √TV. The data shows √TV maintains its internal argument in active (Ø), passive (-ch), agentless passive (-j), and antipassive (-w). The fragment encodes this as a root property (arity), not a derived property — so it holds by construction.

                                              The four root classes have distinct denotation types (@cite{coon-2019}, (3)). The fragment's denotationType field captures these: √TV/√ITV = indivStatePred ⟨e,⟨s,t⟩⟩, √POS = measureFn ⟨e,⟨s,d⟩⟩, √NOM = entityPred ⟨e,t⟩.

                                              √TV and √ITV share semantic type (event predicate) but differ in arity. This is the formal content of the observation that both compose with an entity argument per @cite{davis-1997}, but only √TV projects a syntactic complement.

                                              The -w suffix cross-class generalization: -w verbalizes √POS and √NOM roots (data: both take -w), and the fragment predicts different event structures depending on the root's lower structure.