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Linglib.Phenomena.ArgumentStructure.Studies.StapsRooryck2024

Staps & Rooryck (2024): Formalizing Spatial-Causal Polysemy of Agent Prepositions #

@cite{staps-rooryck-2024}

Semantics and Pragmatics 17, Article 4, pp. 1–47.

Core Claims #

  1. Agent prepositions (by, French par/de) are not semantically vacuous case markers. They have non-trivial semantic content derived from their spatial meanings via principled polysemy (@cite{tyler-evans-2003}).

  2. The general denotation is polymorphically typed: ⟨η, ⟨θ, t⟩⟩, where η (Figure) and θ (Ground) are instantiated by the syntactic/semantic context. Spatial: ⟨e, ⟨e, t⟩⟩. Agentive: ⟨e, ⟨s, t⟩⟩.

  3. French par ('through, via') presupposes high proto-agentivity; de ('from, of') presupposes low proto-agentivity. The relevant factors are: bringing about a change (§3.1), contextually inferred change (§3.2), volitionality (§3.3), and telicity (§3.4).

  4. The same polymorphic mechanism extends to causal adjuncts (§2.3): de marks causes-as-situations (type ⟨s, ⟨s, t⟩⟩), par marks causes-as-forces (type ⟨f, ⟨s, t⟩⟩), following @cite{copley-harley-2022}.

Formalization Strategy #

Proto-agentivity is formalized via EntailmentProfile.pAgentScore and the specific entailments {volition, causation, movement}. The prediction is: par requires the subject to have at least one of these "active" entailments; de is the default for low-agentivity subjects.

We derive the par/de preference from the verb's stored EntailmentProfile and VendlerClass, connecting to the affectedness hierarchy (@cite{beavers-2010}) and aspectual classification (@cite{vendler-1957}).

Integration with linglib #

Semantic domain types for preposition Figure/Ground arguments. The paper's ⟨η, ⟨θ, t⟩⟩ polymorphism: η and θ range over these domain types, constrained by the syntactic/semantic context.

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      A polymorphic preposition type: ⟨η, ⟨θ, t⟩⟩. The Figure (η) is the first argument; the Ground (θ) is the second.

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        def StapsRooryck2024.instDecidableEqPrepType.decEq (x✝ x✝¹ : PrepType) :
        Decidable (x✝ = x✝¹)
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            Spatial instantiation: ⟨e, ⟨e, t⟩⟩. "The house by the lake" — two entities in close proximity.

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              Agentive instantiation: ⟨e, ⟨s, t⟩⟩. "Written by John" — entity in close proximity to event. Interpretation: Initiator(x, e).

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                Causal adjunct (force-based): ⟨f, ⟨s, t⟩⟩. French par un tremblement de terre — force in close proximity to situation. Used by par in causal adjuncts.

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                  Causal adjunct (situation-based): ⟨s, ⟨s, t⟩⟩. French de faim — situation in close proximity to situation. Used by de in causal adjuncts.

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                    The "active" P-Agent entailments that drive par selection. §3.5 (34): change/causation, volitionality, and kinesis/movement are the three entailments that distinguish par-requiring from de-allowing contexts. These are a strict subset of @cite{dowty-1991}'s five P-Agent entailments — sentience and independent existence do NOT contribute to par selection (experiencers allow de).

                    Note: the paper's (34) establishes a hierarchy among these factors: (34a) change is primary — if change is possible, par presupposes it; (34b) volitionality and telicity are secondary — relevant only when change is excluded. Our disjunction correctly predicts the binary par-required/de-available outcome for all attested verbs.

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                      par is required when the subject has active agent entailments. This is a necessary condition: de is RULED OUT for high-agentivity contexts, while par as the modern French default can appear even with low-agentivity Agents.

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                        §3.5 (34): par and de are in complementary distribution w.r.t. proto-agentivity. Par implies change; de presupposes its absence. This is the paper's primary empirical generalization.

                        Canonical agents (laver, écrire, construire, tuer, abandonner, délaisser) have V+S+C+M+IE → par required. This is kickSubjectProfile from @cite{dowty-1991}.

                        Experiencer subjects (aimer, adorer, respecter) have S+IE only → de available. This is seeSubjectProfile from @cite{dowty-1991}.

                        Stative positional subjects (précéder, stative suivre) have IE only → de available.

                        Dynamic motion subjects (dynamic suivre) have V+S+M+IE → par required. This is runSubjectProfile from @cite{dowty-1991}.

                        Accompany subjects have S+M+IE → par required (movement suffices).

                        §3.4: Telicity influences par/de selection. Telic events imply a bounded change, which increases proto-agentivity.

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                          §3.1: Object affectedness also matters. Verbs with quantized or nonquantized affectedness entail a Patient change → forces par. Connects to @cite{beavers-2010}'s affectedness hierarchy.

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                            theorem StapsRooryck2024.ecrire_object_favors_par :
                            objectChangeFavorsPar (have __src := Fragments.French.Predicates.protoTransObjectProfile; { volition := __src.volition, sentience := __src.sentience, causation := __src.causation, movement := __src.movement, independentExistence := __src.independentExistence, changeOfState := __src.changeOfState, incrementalTheme := true, causallyAffected := __src.causallyAffected, stationary := __src.stationary, dependentExistence := true }) = true

                            Full prediction combining subject proto-agentivity, object affectedness, and telicity. Any one factor suffices for par.

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                              Par/de verbs: experiencer and stative subjects lack active agent entailments, unaffected objects, and atelic aspect.

                              Survey judgment: verb form, context agentivity level, and mean acceptability for de and par on [-1, 1] scale.

                              • verb : String
                              • context : String
                              • deMean :
                              • parMean :
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                                  Survey data from @cite{staps-rooryck-2024} Table 2. Means are ×100 (e.g., 0.87 → 87, -0.96 → -96).

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                                    theorem StapsRooryck2024.change_verbs_reject_de :
                                    ((List.filter (fun (j : SurveyJudgment) => j.verb == "lavé" || j.verb == "maintenu" || j.verb == "traversé" || j.verb == "suivie" && j.context == "high") surveyData).all fun (j : SurveyJudgment) => decide (j.deMean < 0)) = true

                                    §3.1 Change-entailing verbs reject de (all deMean < 0). Filter restricts to the §3.1 items (high proto-agentivity context) to exclude §3.3 volitionality items with the same verb form.

                                    theorem StapsRooryck2024.suivi_high_prefers_par :
                                    ((List.filter (fun (j : SurveyJudgment) => j.verb == "suivi" && j.context == "high") surveyData).all fun (j : SurveyJudgment) => decide (j.parMean > j.deMean)) = true

                                    High-agentivity suivi prefers par (parMean > deMean).

                                    theorem StapsRooryck2024.suivi_low_prefers_de :
                                    ((List.filter (fun (j : SurveyJudgment) => j.verb == "suivi" && j.context == "low") surveyData).all fun (j : SurveyJudgment) => decide (j.deMean > j.parMean)) = true

                                    Low-agentivity suivi prefers de (deMean > parMean).

                                    The by-phrase is an argument of v, not an adjunct. In the passive, Voice checks Case but does not assign θ — the θ-role comes from v. The par/de preposition is the morphological spell-out of this Case-checking relationship, with the semantic contribution being Initiator(x,e) plus the proto-agentivity presupposition.

                                    This connects @cite{staps-rooryck-2024}'s §2.2 to @cite{collins-2005}'s passive structure: Voice_PASS checks Case while v assigns the external θ-role.

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                                        Both par and de in passives have agentive type ⟨e, ⟨s, t⟩⟩. They differ only in presupposition, not at-issue type.

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                                          In causal adjuncts, par and de diverge in type: par: ⟨f, ⟨s, t⟩⟩ (forces), de: ⟨s, ⟨s, t⟩⟩ (situations).

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                                            The syntactic precondition for par/de: passive Voice checks Case (feature dissociation per @cite{collins-2005}), providing the structural position for the preposition. The par/de choice is then determined by proto-agentivity.

                                            Position in the causal chain relative to the Patient. @cite{croft-2012}: par 'through' = perlative (path position), de 'from' = ablative (source position). Closer to Patient → more proto-agentive.

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                                                Verbs with quantized object affectedness always require par. Quantized affectedness implies the subject causes a definite change (@cite{beavers-2010}).

                                                Dynamic VendlerClasses (activity, achievement, accomplishment) correlate with higher proto-agentivity than states — the stative/dynamic contrast driving suivre's polysemy (§3.3).

                                                §3.2 contextual enrichment gap: adorer's lexical profile predicts de-availability, but high-agentivity contexts license par (survey data shows parMean > 0 in high context). EntailmentProfile alone cannot capture this — it requires pragmatic enrichment.

                                                theorem StapsRooryck2024.adorer_contextual_par_ok :
                                                ((List.filter (fun (j : SurveyJudgment) => j.verb == "adorée" && j.context == "high") surveyData).all fun (j : SurveyJudgment) => decide (j.parMean > 0)) = true

                                                stativePositionalSubjectProfile is definitionally equal to minimalParticipantProfile — this is structural (via abbrev), not a coincidence. Both roles represent participants with only independent existence.

                                                The "active" agent entailments (V, C, M) are a strict subset of @cite{dowty-1991}'s full P-Agent set (V, S, C, M, IE). Profiles with active entailments always have pAgentScore ≥ 1, but the converse fails: experiencer profiles have pAgentScore = 2 (S+IE) yet no active entailments — which is exactly why they allow de.

                                                Converse fails: experiencer profiles have pAgentScore ≥ 1 but no active agent entailments. This is the theoretical crux — @cite{staps-rooryck-2024}'s par/de distinction is sensitive to a narrower notion of agentivity than @cite{dowty-1991}'s full count.

                                                Canonical agents have all three active entailments and the maximum pAgentScore of 5. This is the canonical case where @cite{staps-rooryck-2024}'s active-agent test and @cite{dowty-1991}'s full P-Agent count agree.

                                                Proto-agentivity level #

                                                Binary classification grounding the par/de presupposition contrast. Derived from hasActiveAgentEntailment — not independently stipulated.

                                                Binary proto-agentivity level for par/de presuppositions. HIGH = at least one of {V, C, M}; LOW = none.

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                                                    Agentive denotations (35a/35b) #

                                                    The paper's key semantic contribution: par and de share at-issue content (Initiator(x,e)) but carry complementary presuppositions about proto-agentivity. Formalized using PrProp W from Core.Semantics.Presupposition.

                                                    structure StapsRooryck2024.AgentivePrepParams (Entity Event W : Type) :

                                                    Parameters for agentive preposition denotations (35a/35b). Bundled so the denotation is parametric over the event/entity model.

                                                    • initiator : EntityEventWProp

                                                      The at-issue relation: Initiator(x, e).

                                                    • highProtoAgentivity : EntityWProp

                                                      Proto-agentivity predicate over entities (in context).

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                                                      def StapsRooryck2024.parAgentiveDenot {Entity Event W : Type} (params : AgentivePrepParams Entity Event W) (x : Entity) (e : Event) :

                                                      ⟦par⟧_agentive (35a): λx.λe. Initiator(x,e); presup: HIGH proto-agentivity(x).

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                                                        def StapsRooryck2024.deAgentiveDenot {Entity Event W : Type} (params : AgentivePrepParams Entity Event W) (x : Entity) (e : Event) :

                                                        ⟦de⟧_agentive (35b): λx.λe. Initiator(x,e); presup: LOW proto-agentivity(x).

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                                                          theorem StapsRooryck2024.par_de_same_assertion {Entity Event W : Type} (params : AgentivePrepParams Entity Event W) (x : Entity) (e : Event) :

                                                          Par and de share at-issue content — same assertion (Initiator(x,e)). This is structural: both pass params.initiator x e as the assertion.

                                                          theorem StapsRooryck2024.par_de_presup_complementary {Entity Event W : Type} (params : AgentivePrepParams Entity Event W) [(x : Entity) → (w : W) → Decidable (params.highProtoAgentivity x w)] (x : Entity) (w : W) :
                                                          params.highProtoAgentivity x w ¬¬params.highProtoAgentivity x w

                                                          Par and de presuppositions are complementary: exactly one is satisfied at every world (classical).

                                                          Grounding: presuppositions derive from hasActiveAgentEntailment #

                                                          The presupposition infrastructure connects back to the per-profile prediction machinery from §2. The proto-agentivity predicate in AgentivePrepParams grounds out in hasActiveAgentEntailment — by construction, not by bridge theorem.

                                                          def StapsRooryck2024.lexicalAgentivityParams {Entity Event W : Type} (subjectProfile : EntitySemantics.ArgumentStructure.EntailmentProfile.EntailmentProfile) (initiator : EntityEventWProp) :
                                                          AgentivePrepParams Entity Event W

                                                          Construct AgentivePrepParams from EntailmentProfile-based predictions. The proto-agentivity predicate grounds out in hasActiveAgentEntailment, connecting the formal denotation to the existing per-profile predictions.

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                                                            theorem StapsRooryck2024.presup_agrees_with_prediction {Entity Event W : Type} (subjectProfile : EntitySemantics.ArgumentStructure.EntailmentProfile.EntailmentProfile) (initiator : EntityEventWProp) (x : Entity) (e : Event) (w : W) :
                                                            (parAgentiveDenot (lexicalAgentivityParams subjectProfile initiator) x e).presup w predictsParRequired (subjectProfile x) = true

                                                            The presupposition of ⟦par⟧_agentive agrees with predictsParRequired. This closes the loop: the formal denotation's presupposition IS the existing prediction, not a separate claim that happens to match.

                                                            Causal denotations (14b/15b) #

                                                            The causal uses of par and de differ in type — forces vs situations — already captured by causalForceType/causalSituationType (§1). The denotations are thin wrappers over the causal relations.

                                                            def StapsRooryck2024.parCausalDenot (Force Event W : Type) (forces : ForceEventWBool) (f : Force) (e : Event) (w : W) :
                                                            Bool

                                                            ⟦par⟧_causal (14b): λf.λe. f FORCES e. Force-based causation — par marks the cause as a force (@cite{copley-harley-2022}).

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                                                              def StapsRooryck2024.deCausalDenot (Situation Event W : Type) (cause : SituationEventWBool) (s' : Situation) (e : Event) (w : W) :
                                                              Bool

                                                              ⟦de⟧_causal (15b): λs'.λe. s' CAUSE e. Situation-based causation — de marks the cause as a situation (@cite{copley-harley-2022}).

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                                                                Unified dispatch #

                                                                def StapsRooryck2024.FrenchAgentPrep.agentiveDenot {Entity Event W : Type} (prep : FrenchAgentPrep) (params : AgentivePrepParams Entity Event W) (x : Entity) (e : Event) :

                                                                Full denotation dispatch for agentive uses. Wraps the par/de choice into a single function matching on FrenchAgentPrep.

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