Documentation

Linglib.Phenomena.Allomorphy.Studies.Aitha2026

The Nouns that Say -ni @cite{aitha-2026} #

Aitha, A. (2026). The nouns that say -ni: Morpheme-specific phonology in Telugu. Natural Language & Linguistic Theory 44:16.

Overview #

Telugu nouns exhibit two stem alternation patterns:

  1. Strong alternation: NOM il-lu vs oblique in-ṭi ('house'). Genuine case-conditioned contextual allomorphy, analyzed via DM Vocabulary Insertion with @cite{mcfadden-2018}'s case containment hierarchy. The NOM-vs-oblique split follows from the Elsewhere Condition: a rule conditioned on [ACC] is more specific than an unconditioned default.

  2. Weak alternation: NOM samudr-am vs ACC samudr-āni ('ocean'). Surface pattern looks like case-conditioned allomorphy but is phonological. Three diagnostics show it cannot be case allomorphy: (a) the ABAB paradigm shape violates @cite{caha-2009}'s *ABA constraint; (b) noncase agreement suffixes trigger the alternation; (c) the conditioning requires strict linear adjacency (phonological, not structural locality).

    The alternation is derived in Stratal OT (@cite{kiparsky-2000}): both surface forms derive from a single underlying -am-ni, where -ni is a singular suffix with prespecified stress. The interaction of stress faithfulness with foot binarity constraints across three phonological strata (Stem, Word, Phrase) produces the alternation.

Formalization #

Telugu case values relevant to nominal paradigms.

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    def Aitha2026.instReprTeluguCase.repr :
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      Is this Telugu case nonnominative? Derived from Core.Case.IsNonnominative, which is (.acc : Case) ≤ c under the @cite{caha-2009}/@cite{mcfadden-2018} containment ordering. The full containment hierarchy lives at Core.Case.Order (containmentRank, cahaLE); Aitha's n-head VI rules condition on this binary projection of the hierarchy down to a NOM-vs-oblique contrast at the n head — the layered hierarchy is the substrate, the binary split is the Telugu-n-specific reduction.

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        Root class for strongly suppletive nouns. @cite{aitha-2026} lists 7 subclasses, all sharing the NOM-vs-oblique split. Multiple NOM subclasses share a single OBL form (-ṭi for all but the -u∼-i class), a prediction of the Elsewhere Condition: the more specific (OBL) rule can generalize across root sets. We formalize two representative classes; the analysis extends to all.

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            Strong noun paradigm: the n-exponent for each case. All strong nouns share the NOM-vs-oblique split regardless of the actual surface shape of n.

            • nomForm : String
            • oblForm : String
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              def Aitha2026.instDecidableEqStrongParadigm.decEq (x✝ x✝¹ : StrongParadigm) :
              Decidable (x✝ = x✝¹)
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                  The n-exponent for the -lu∼-ṭi class.

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                    The n-exponent for the -u∼-i class.

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                      Surface form of n given a strong paradigm and case.

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                        Stem form in weakly suppletive nouns.

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                            Morphosyntactic context for VI at the n head in Telugu. Carries the root class and the Telugu case directly; nonnominativity is derived from case.IsNonnom rather than stored as a Bool — so the McFadden 2018 / Caha 2009 containment substrate is the source of truth at every VI use site.

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                              def Aitha2026.instDecidableEqNContext.decEq (x✝ x✝¹ : NContext) :
                              Decidable (x✝ = x✝¹)
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                                def Aitha2026.instReprNContext.repr :
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                                  VI rule for NOM n of the -lu∼-ṭi class. No nonnominative requirement → this is the elsewhere/default rule.

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                                    VI rule for oblique n of the -lu∼-ṭi class. Requires case.IsNonnom → more specific, wins over viLuNom in non-NOM.

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                                      VI rule for NOM n of the -u∼-i class.

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                                        VI rule for oblique n of the -u∼-i class.

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                                          Build the morphosyntactic context for VI from Telugu case + root class.

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                                            The weak alternation's surface paradigm as an AllomorphyPattern. Short form = 0, long form = 1.

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                                              The weak alternation violates @cite{caha-2009}'s *ABA constraint. The ABAB pattern contains the subsequence A–B–A at NOM–ACC–GEN: NOM and GEN share the short form, but intervening ACC has the long form. Since GEN's representation contains ACC's on the containment hierarchy, this cannot arise from case-conditioned VI.

                                              Therefore the weak alternation is not contiguous on the case containment hierarchy.

                                              In contrast, the strong alternation (ABB = NOM vs oblique) is contiguous — consistent with case-conditioned VI.

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                                                Helper: encode WeakStemForm as a Nat for AllomorphyPattern comparison.

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                                                  The weakAllomorphyPattern is not a separate stipulation — it is derived from weakParadigm. This theorem closes the gap between the paradigm data and the *ABA check.

                                                  Environments that trigger the long form in weak nouns. The long form surfaces when followed by a light syllable within the prosodic word — regardless of whether that syllable realizes a case suffix or an agreement suffix.

                                                  Data from @cite{aitha-2026}'s full(er) paradigm including agreement:

                                                  • ACC -ni: light σ within PrWd → long (samudr-āni-ni)
                                                  • DAT -ki: light σ within PrWd → long (samudr-āni-ki)
                                                  • 1SG -ni: light σ within PrWd → long (samudr-āni-ni)
                                                  • 2SG -vi: light σ within PrWd → long (samudr-āni-vi)
                                                  • NOM -∅: no following σ → short (samudr-am-∅)
                                                  • GEN -∅: no following σ → short (samudr-am-∅)
                                                  • 3SG -∅: no following σ → short (samudr-am-∅)
                                                  • P -lō: separate PrWd → short (samudr-am-lō)
                                                  • P -gurinci: separate PrWd → short (samudr-am-gurinci)
                                                  • P -eduru: separate PrWd → short (samudr-am-eduru)

                                                  Note: -gurinci and -eduru begin with light syllables, yet still trigger the short form. The conditioning factor is PrWd membership, not syllable weight of the following element per se.

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                                                      Both ACC -ni (case) and 1SG -ni (agreement) trigger the long form — the conditioning is phonological, not morphosyntactic.

                                                      Postposition in a separate PrWd → short form (regardless of whether the postposition starts with a light or heavy syllable).

                                                      Telugu nominal predicative agreement suffixes. Only 1SG and 2SG are overt; 3SG and all plurals are null. Data from @cite{aitha-2026}.

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                                                        def Aitha2026.instReprAgrSuffix.repr :
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                                                          1SG -ni triggers the long form, just like ACC -ni. Both are light syllables within PrWd — the conditioning is phonological, not morphosyntactic.

                                                          3SG -∅ triggers the short form, just like NOM -∅.

                                                          The decisive argument: case and agreement suffixes with identical phonological shape produce identical stem forms. ACC -ni and 1SG -ni both map to lightWithinPrWd, so both trigger the long form. If the alternation were case-conditioned, agreement suffixes (which bear no case features) could not trigger it.

                                                          The underlying representation of the weak noun stem. @cite{aitha-2026} argues (§4.2) that the surface alternants -am and -āni derive from a single underlying form: the concatenation of -am (exponent of n) + -ni (singular suffix, exponent of Num).

                                                          The surface forms result from TWO independent phonological processes:

                                                          1. The -am ~ alternation: compensatory lengthening after deletion of the coda nasal (Stem-level vowel hiatus resolution)
                                                          2. The -ni ~ -∅ alternation: deletion of stressed light syllables that cannot form a binary foot (Word-level phonology)

                                                          This unified underlying form means the "stem alternation" is not a single alternation at all, but the combined effect of two regular phonological processes acting on the same input.

                                                          • nExponent : String
                                                          • sgSuffix : String
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                                                            All weak nouns share the same underlying -am-ni.

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                                                              The two alternations differ in their sensitivity to locality. @cite{aitha-2026} (§4.1) shows this via Q-postposing constructions:

                                                              • Strong: oblique can be triggered across an intervening quantifier (structural locality — the case head c-commands n)
                                                              • Weak: the alternation is determined by the linearly adjacent syllable, not by structural position

                                                              This difference supports the claim that the strong alternation is morphosyntactic (structural, can skip intervening material) while the weak alternation is phonological (linear adjacency required).

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                                                                  Candidates for the Stem-level metrical parse of samudr-am 'ocean-n' (underlying syllable weights: CV.CV.CVC = L.L.H).

                                                                  • llU_H : StemCandidate

                                                                    (ˈsa.mu).dram — one bimoraic foot, final H unparsed.

                                                                  • l_l_H : StemCandidate

                                                                    (ˈsa).(ˌmu).(ˌdram) — two degenerate feet + one bimoraic.

                                                                  • ll_H : StemCandidate

                                                                    (ˈsa.mu).(ˌdram) — two bimoraic feet. Optimal.

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                                                                      Map each candidate to its MetricalParse representation.

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                                                                        FT-BIN(μ): penalizes non-bimoraic feet.

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                                                                          PARSE-SYL: penalizes unparsed syllables.

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                                                                            ALL-FT-LEFT: penalizes feet distant from the left edge.

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                                                                              Stem-level constraint ranking: FT-BIN ≫ PARSE-SYL ≫ ALL-FT-LEFT.

                                                                              FT-BIN dominates PARSE-SYL: it is better to leave a syllable unparsed than to create a degenerate (monomoraic) foot.

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                                                                                Violation profiles for Stem-level candidates:

                                                                                CandidateFT-BINPARSE-SYLALL-FT-LEFT
                                                                                (ˈsa.mu).dram01*0
                                                                                (ˈsa).(ˌmu).(ˌdram)2*00+1+2
                                                                                ☞ (ˈsa.mu).(ˌdram)000+2

                                                                                The optimal Stem-level parse is (ˈsa.mu).(ˌdram): two well-formed moraic trochees, (LL)(H), with no unparsed syllables.

                                                                                The singular suffix -ni carries prespecified stress. This prespecification, interacting with FT-BIN(μ) and IDENT-STRESS at the Word level, drives deletion of -ni when it is PrWd-final and cannot form a binary foot.

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                                                                                  Word-level candidates for the NOM input (ˈsa.mu).(ˌdram).ní. Stressed -ni is PrWd-final: no following suffix to pair with.

                                                                                  • destress : WordCandNom

                                                                                    (ˈsa.mu).(ˌdram).ni — stress on -ni removed.

                                                                                  • degenerateFoot : WordCandNom

                                                                                    (ˈsa.mu).(ˌdram).(ˌní) — -ni as degenerate (monomoraic) foot.

                                                                                  • deleteI_coda : WordCandNom

                                                                                    (ˈsa.mu).(ˌdramn) — nucleic /i/ deleted, /n/ joins coda → complex.

                                                                                  • deleteIM : WordCandNom

                                                                                    (ˈsa.mu).(ˌdran) — /i/ and /m/ deleted, Stem edge misaligned.

                                                                                  • deleteNi : WordCandNom

                                                                                    ☞ (ˈsa.mu).(ˌdram) — /ni/ fully deleted.

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                                                                                      Word-level ranking for NOM.

                                                                                      CandidateID-STRFT-BIN*CxCODAAL-RMAX(μ)MAX
                                                                                      destress1*
                                                                                      degenerateFoot1*
                                                                                      deleteI_coda1*11
                                                                                      deleteIM1*22
                                                                                      ☞ deleteNi12
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                                                                                          Word level, NOM: PrWd-final stressed -ni is deleted. Surface: samudr-am (short form).

                                                                                          Word-level candidates for the DAT input (ˈsa.mu).(ˌdram).ní.ki. The light suffix -ki is PrWd-internal, so -ni can form a bimoraic foot (ˌní.ki) — but the /mn/ boundary violates *DIST-0.

                                                                                          • faithful : WordCandDat

                                                                                            (ˈsa.mu).(ˌdram).(ˌní.ki) — faithful. /mn/ boundary retained.

                                                                                          • resyllabify : WordCandDat

                                                                                            (ˈsa.mu).(ˌdra).(ˌmí.ki) — /m/ resyllabified as onset.

                                                                                          • deleteNi : WordCandDat

                                                                                            (ˈsa.mu).(ˌdram).ki — /ni/ deleted, -ki degenerate.

                                                                                          • compLengthen : WordCandDat

                                                                                            ☞ (ˈsa.mu).(ˌdrā).(ˌní.ki) — /m/ deleted, /a/→/ā/ (CL).

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                                                                                              Word-level ranking for DAT. Same constraint set as NOM, with *DIST-0 additionally relevant (eliminates faithful candidate).

                                                                                              Candidate*DIST-0AL-RID-STRFT-BINMAX(μ)MAX
                                                                                              faithful1*
                                                                                              resyllabify1*
                                                                                              deleteNi1*12
                                                                                              ☞ compLengthen11
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                                                                                                Word level, DAT: /mn/ boundary repaired by compensatory lengthening. Surface: samudr-āni-ki (long form).

                                                                                                The same constraint system derives both surface forms from the same underlying -am-ni. The difference is purely phonological: whether a light suffix follows within the PrWd.

                                                                                                • NOM (no suffix): -ni is PrWd-final → deleted → short
                                                                                                • DAT (-ki follows): -ni pairs with -ki → /mn/ repaired → long

                                                                                                This completes the derivation that the weakFormPredicted function (§3) stipulates: the alternation is now DERIVED from OT constraint interaction, not encoded by fiat.

                                                                                                Map Word-level optimal outputs to WeakStemForm. NOM deleteNi = short (the -ni is gone, surface is -am). DAT compLengthen = long (the -am becomes -ā, -ni survives as -āni).

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                                                                                                  Paper §5.3 develops the Phrase-level stratum, where constraint ranking is reranked relative to the Word level. This is the empirical core of the "Stratal" claim: the same constraint inventory (*DIST-0, MAX, IDENT-STRESS, ...) is demoted or promoted across the Word→Phrase boundary, producing different optimal outputs for the same segmental configuration.

                                                                                                  Key reranking from paper §5.3: *DIST-0 is demoted from above MAX at the Word level (deriving m-deletion before singular -ni) to below MAX at the Phrase level (tolerating m-n contact across postposition boundary). This subsection encodes paper tableau (66) for samudram nunci 'from ocean': the Phrase-level grammar tolerates the m-n contact across the postposition boundary that the Word-level grammar would have repaired by compensatory lengthening.

                                                                                                  Phrase-level candidates for the postpositional input ('sa.mu).('dram).('nun).('ci) ('ocean-from'), the Word-level output of the NOM stratum concatenated with the postposition -nunci 'from'.

                                                                                                  • compLengthen : PhraseCandPostp

                                                                                                    (ˈsa.mu).(ˌdrā).(ˌnun).(ˌci) — /m/ deleted, /a/ → /ā/ via CL.

                                                                                                  • deleteM : PhraseCandPostp

                                                                                                    (ˈsa.mu).(ˌdra).(ˌnun).(ˌci) — /m/ deleted, no CL.

                                                                                                  • deleteN : PhraseCandPostp

                                                                                                    (ˈsa.mu).(ˌdram).(ˌun).(ˌci) — /n/ of postposition deleted.

                                                                                                  • faithful : PhraseCandPostp

                                                                                                    ☞ (ˈsa.mu).(ˌdram).(ˌnun).(ˌci) — faithful; m-n contact retained.

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                                                                                                      Phrase-level ranking for postposition contexts.

                                                                                                      Crucially, *DIST-0 is now below MAX — the reverse of the Word stratum (file:584). This is the headline cross-stratum reranking of paper §5.3.

                                                                                                      CandidateIDENT-STRESSMAX*DIST-0AL-R
                                                                                                      compLengthen1*1
                                                                                                      deleteM11
                                                                                                      deleteN1
                                                                                                      ☞ faithful1
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                                                                                                        Phrase level: postposition nunci 'from'. The faithful output wins — *DIST-0 is demoted below MAX at Phrase level, so m-n contact is tolerated rather than repaired. Surface: samudram nunci.

                                                                                                        Wires the existing per-stratum tableaux into StratalDerivation records — making the file's "Stratal OT" claim explicit at the type level. Each derivation records the optimal output at each cycle; the candidate types differ across strata because GEN produces different representations at each level.

                                                                                                        The Stratal-OT derivation of NOM samudram 'ocean-NOM'.

                                                                                                        • Stem: input /samudr-am/, optimal parse (ˈsa.mu).(ˌdram) (= .ll_H).
                                                                                                        • Word: stem output combined with prosodified -ni singular suffix and a null NOM exponent; PrWd-final stressed -ni is deleted; output samudram (= .deleteNi).
                                                                                                        • Phrase: no overt postposition follows, so no Phrase-level repairs are required. Surface = Word output.
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                                                                                                          DAT derivation samudrāniki — Word-level CL produces the long form via m-deletion + /a/ → /ā/.

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                                                                                                            Postpositional derivation samudram nunci — Phrase-level reranking blocks the Word-level CL repair. Same input segmental shape as DAT at the m-n contact, different output because *DIST-0 is demoted at Phrase.

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                                                                                                              The three derivations agree at the stem stratum (same input shape) but diverge at later strata depending on what follows the noun.

                                                                                                              Paper §5.3 (p. 31) makes the headline Stratal-OT claim that *DIST-0 is demoted going from the Word stratum to the Phrase stratum. The substrate's isPromotedAcross / isDemotedAcross operate on constraint names — necessary here because wordDatRanking and phrasePostpRanking have different candidate types (WordCandDat vs PhraseCandPostp), so the same-C isPromoted/isDemoted would not typecheck.

                                                                                                              *DIST-0 is at the highest rank in the Word DAT ranking (wordDatRanking, position 0) and at a lower rank in the Phrase postpositional ranking (phrasePostpRanking, position 2). This is the demotion across the Word→Phrase boundary that the paper's §5.3 central reranking claim makes — and it is precisely what derives m-retention at phrase boundaries vs m-deletion + CL inside the prosodic word.

                                                                                                              Conversely, MAX is promoted going Word → Phrase. Dual aspect of the same reranking.

                                                                                                              Predict the weak stem form from the following morphological element. Uses MorphElement.triggersLongForm from ProsodicWord: the long form surfaces iff the following element is PrWd-internal AND begins with a light syllable.

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                                                                                                                Postposition -gurinci 'about' begins with a light syllable, yet triggers the short form — because it is PrWd-external. This is the key evidence that the conditioning is PrWd membership, not syllable weight alone.

                                                                                                                The PrWd-based prediction matches the original paradigm data for all five cases in the canonical weak paradigm.

                                                                                                                The PrWd-based prediction agrees with the original weakParadigm for all five cases. This closes the gap between the phonological derivation (OT + PrWd) and the empirical data (paradigm).

                                                                                                                The two alternation patterns have fundamentally different analyses:

                                                                                                                1. Strong alternation: ABB pattern (contiguous on containment hierarchy) → case-conditioned contextual allomorphy (VI).
                                                                                                                2. Weak alternation: ABAB pattern (violates *ABA) → phonological alternation conditioned by syllable weight within PrWd.

                                                                                                                The strong alternation depends on structural position (Elsewhere Condition + ACC feature); the weak alternation depends on linear adjacency to a light syllable (phonological locality).

                                                                                                                The outward sensitivity of the weak alternation: the form of n (closer to root) depends on material further from the root (case and agreement suffixes). Under root-out VI, this is impossible — suffixes are not yet inserted when n receives its exponent.

                                                                                                                The strong alternation pattern derived from VI output matches the strongAllomorphyPattern used for the *ABA check. This is the end-to-end chain: VI rules → surface forms → ABB pattern → contiguous.

                                                                                                                The proof constructs the pattern from strongSurface by checking whether each case gets the NOM form (= 0) or the OBL form (= 1).

                                                                                                                End-to-end argumentation chain:

                                                                                                                1. Strong alternation: VI derives ABB → contiguous → valid case allomorphy
                                                                                                                2. Weak alternation: ABAB pattern → non-contiguous → cannot be case allomorphy
                                                                                                                3. Weak alternation: outward-sensitive → incompatible with root-out VI
                                                                                                                4. THEREFORE: weak alternation is phonological, not morphological

                                                                                                                Telugu has Weight by Position: coda consonants bear morae, making CVC syllables heavy. This is assumed by the Stem-level parse, where dram (CVC) is treated as heavy (2μ).

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                                                                                                                  In a WBP language like Telugu, deleting a coda consonant strands one mora — this is @cite{hayes-1989}'s classical CL (§5.1.1).

                                                                                                                  This grounds the DAT compLengthen candidate: /m/ deletion from /dram/ strands a mora, which spreads left to yield /drā/. The CL repair is not a stipulated candidate — it is available precisely because Telugu has WBP.

                                                                                                                  theorem Aitha2026.telugu_cl_conservation (o n c : Phonology.Segment) :
                                                                                                                  have σ := Phonology.Moraic.syllableToMoraic teluguMoraicParams { onset := [o], nucleus := [n], coda := [c] }; match Phonology.Moraic.CL.deleteMoraic σ 1 with | (σ_del, stranded) => σ.moraCount = (Phonology.Moraic.CL.spreadToFill σ_del stranded Phonology.Moraic.CL.SpreadDir.left).moraCount

                                                                                                                  Moraic conservation (Rule (64), @cite{hayes-1989}): the mora stranded by /m/ deletion is absorbed by leftward spreading to /a/, yielding /ā/ (2μ). Total mora count is unchanged.

                                                                                                                  All three Telugu OT tableaux lift to generic ConstraintSystems via tableauSystem. The Stratal-OT derivation of the weak alternation becomes a probability-1 claim per stratum.

                                                                                                                  Probability 1 on (LL)(H): two well-formed moraic trochees.

                                                                                                                  Probability 1 on deleteNi: PrWd-final stressed -ni is deleted.