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Linglib.Fragments.Washo.Clause

Washo Clausal Embedding Inventory #

[BH21]

Washo (Hokan/isolate, ISO 639-3 was) inventory of complement-taking predicates. Theory-light: each predicate carries its [Noo07] CTP class where clear, [BH21]'s presuppositional classification ((5); their §5.3.2 argues factivity is not lexically specified — complements of 'remember'/'know' can be false, (86)–(87) — so this field deliberately is not named factive), and one morphological observable — the shape of the complement edge.

Forms follow the paper's orthography (after [jacobsen-1964]): : marks vowel length, ʔ ɨ ŋ are IPA, stress is acute. 'know' and 'remember' belong to a small inherently-negative class — the positive reading requires the negative suffix -e:s, and 'remember' is simply negated 'forget' (their fn. 7).

Predicate schema #

Morphological shape of a predicate's notional-complement edge ([BH21] Table 1). The two morphemes co-vary without exception in their data, so one two-valued observable is faithful; there is no marginal cell. The -gi ~ -ge alternation is case (nominative vs accusative, their fn. 6) conditioned by the nominalization's matrix function — attitude complements are all accusative -ge.

  • nominalized : ComplementEdge

    Clausal nominalization: nominalizer -gi ~ -ge over independent mood -i.

  • bare : ComplementEdge

    Bare clause: dependent mood -aʔ, never nominalized.

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      A Washo complement-taking predicate.

      • ctpClass: [Noo07] category; none where the assignment is unclear ('dream').
      • presuppositional: [BH21] (5) — "the embedded clause refers to familiar content" — their descriptive classification, deliberately not factive (§5.3.2).
      • edge: the complement-edge observable (Table 1).
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        def Washo.Clause.instDecidableEqWashoEmbedder.decEq (x✝ x✝¹ : WashoEmbedder) :
        Decidable (x✝ = x✝¹)
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            Presuppositional predicates — nominalized complements #

            [BH21] (5b), §2: complements are always nominalized with -gi ~ -ge and occur with the independent mood suffix -i.

            hamup'ay 'forget'. [BH21] (1), (9), (31), (33).

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              hamup'ay-e:s 'remember' — negated 'forget' (inherently-negative class, fn. 7). [BH21] (8), (86).

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                ašaš-e:s 'know' — negated 'not know' (inherently-negative class). [BH21] (6), (32), (87).

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                  i:gi 'see'. Attested with a propositional complement ('I saw that it rained', (10)) and with plain DP objects ((89)). [BH21] (10), (20), (88).

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                    damal 'hear'. Attested only on the event-perception reading ('I heard it raining', (11); 'I heard the man singing', (84b)). [BH21] (11), (84).

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                      Non-presuppositional predicates — bare complements #

                      [BH21] (5a), §2: complements "surface with the 'dependent' mood marker -aʔ" and "are never nominalized".

                      hamu 'think'. [BH21] (2), (13), (41), (42).

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                        i:d 'say'. [BH21] (14), (37), (50).

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                          mɨtgi:bɨl-e:s 'believe' — negated 'disbelieve' (inherently- negative class, fn. 7). [BH21] (16).

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                            gum-suʔuʔuš 'dream' (reflexive gum-). Its 'that'-complement is always bare ((15), (52), (54)); the nominalized complement of the non-reflexive form is an internally headed relative, not a notional complement ((55)). No clear [Noo07] class. [BH21] §3.2.2.

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                              Inventories #

                              The complement-taking predicates with quotable per-predicate data in [BH21].

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                                The predicates taking nominalized complements.

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                                  The predicates taking bare complements.

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                                    Drift sentry: the nominalized-takers are exactly the five presuppositional predicates.

                                    [BH21] Table 1's correlation, stated exceptionless in both directions: a predicate takes nominalized complements iff it is presuppositional.