Documentation

Linglib.Fragments.Japanese.Prosody

Japanese Prosody Fragment #

@cite{beckman-pierrehumbert-1986} @cite{kawahara-2015}

Japanese prosodic entries following the autosegmental-metrical analysis of @cite{beckman-pierrehumbert-1986}, with accent assignment rules and affix typology from @cite{kawahara-2015}.

Key Properties #

A Japanese lexical entry with prosodic specification.

The accent is specified as the mora position of the linked H tone (0-indexed from the beginning of the word). Unaccented words have accentMora = none.

  • form : String

    Surface form (romanized)

  • gloss : String

    Gloss

  • accentMora : Option

    Mora position of the accent (none = unaccented)

  • nMorae :

    Number of morae in the word

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      Is this entry accented?

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        Convert to Bool accentedness for bridge to AccentualPhrase.

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          kami 'god' — accented on first mora (initial accent). Contrasts with kami 'paper' (unaccented) and kamí 'hair' (accent on second mora).

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            kami 'paper' — unaccented. No HL fall in the accentual phrase.

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              uma'i — accented adjective (§2.2, Figs. 6, 8, 9).

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                amai — accented adjective (§2.3, Fig. 8).

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                  mame — unaccented noun (§2.2, Fig. 6).

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                    ame — unaccented noun (§2.2, Fig. 6).

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                      A Japanese lexical entry extending JProsodicEntry with the two annotations needed for frequency-conditioned phonology (e.g., the Breiss-Katsuda-Kawahara compounds in Phenomena/Phonology/Studies/BreissKatsudaKawahara2026.lean): a corpus token log-frequency and a free/bound flag.

                      Following CLAUDE.md's "infrastructure on demand", these annotations are kept on a thin extension structure rather than added to JProsodicEntry, so existing accent-only consumers are unaffected. The HasTokenFreq typeclass instance below makes this entry consumable by any module under Theories/Phonology/ItemSpecificity/.

                      • form : String
                      • gloss : String
                      • accentMora : Option
                      • nMorae :
                      • tokenLogFreq :

                        Token log-frequency in a reference corpus (e.g., BCCWJ). 0 conventionally means "log of 1 occurrence" — used as the no-info default for unannotated items. Stored as so that the lexicon remains computable while the abstract Theories/Phonology/ interface coerces to .

                      • canStandAlone : Bool

                        Can this morpheme stand alone as a wordform? false for bound stems that occur only in compounds (e.g., the bound N2s targeted in @cite{breiss-katsuda-kawahara-2026}).

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                          @[implicit_reducible]

                          HasTokenFreq instance routing tokenLogFreq through the fragment-level field into the abstract LogFreq := ℝ interface used by Theories/Phonology/ItemSpecificity/. Rat.cast is the standard mathlib coercion. The instance is noncomputable because is noncomputable; the field itself remains computable for decide-style proofs.

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                          A Japanese N1 + N2 nominal compound. Compound-medial position is the locus of voiced velar nasalisation (/g/ → [ŋ]) studied in @cite{breiss-katsuda-kawahara-2026}: obligatory when N2 is bound, optional and frequency-conditioned when N2 is free.

                          The compound's own tokenLogFreq is independent of N1's and N2's — high-frequency compounds with low-frequency components, and vice versa, both occur. Frequency-conditioned theories that treat the compound's frequency as inherited from constituents (e.g., some RepresentationStrength variants with multiplicative inheritance) must reconcile this independence with empirical reality.

                          • compoundLogFreq :

                            Token log-frequency of the compound as a unit — typically much lower than either constituent in isolation, but the principal conditioning variable on optional nasalisation.

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                              The compound's surface form: simple concatenation of N1 and N2 forms (the segmental alternation /g/→[ŋ] applies on top).

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                                A compound's nasalisation is obligatory iff its N2 is bound. The free-N2 case is the gradient one tested in @cite{breiss-katsuda-kawahara-2026}.

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                                  Japanese accentual phrase tonal specification.

                                  @cite{beckman-pierrehumbert-1986} §2.2: the AP is defined by:

                                  • A boundary L at the beginning (or end of preceding AP)
                                  • A phrasal H on the second sonorant mora
                                  • An optional accent HL (if the word is accented)
                                  • A boundary L at the end

                                  The phrasal H is NOT the same as H-tone spreading from the accent; it has its own local pitch range and is always present, even in unaccented phrases (Fig. 3 vs earlier accounts).

                                  • words : List JProsodicEntry

                                    Words grouped in this AP

                                  • hasPhrasalH : Bool

                                    Whether the phrasal H is present (always true in Japanese)

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                                      An AP is accented if any word in it is accented.

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                                        Convert to the generic AccentualPhrase type. Japanese accent shape is always H*+L; unaccented APs get null.

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                                          Accented words have accent location.

                                          Unaccented words lack accent location.

                                          The Japanese pitch accent shape is H*+L (a single bitonal accent).

                                          A Japanese accented AP always triggers catathesis (because H*+L is bitonal).

                                          A Japanese unaccented AP never triggers catathesis.

                                          An AP containing only unaccented words is unaccented.

                                          An AP containing an accented word is accented.

                                          Japanese suffix accent specification.

                                          Japanese suffixes exhibit the same dominant/recessive distinction as IE accent systems (@cite{kiparsky-halle-1977}) and GT systems (@cite{rolle-2018}). Dominant suffixes remove stem accent; recessive suffixes preserve it when present.

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                                              -teki (的): deaccenting suffix. Removes stem accent regardless of whether the stem is accented or unaccented — classified as subtractive-dominant in GT terms (@cite{kawahara-2015}).

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                                                -si (氏): non-deaccenting suffix. Preserves stem accent when present — classified as recessive (@cite{kawahara-2015}).

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                                                  Non-deaccenting suffixes are not dominant.

                                                  Derive the accent of a suffixed word from stem accent + suffix dominance.

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                                                    -teki leaves kami 'paper' (unaccented) unchanged.

                                                    -si preserves the accent on kami 'god'.

                                                    -si preserves the unaccentedness of kami 'paper'.

                                                    Loanword prosodic entry. Extends JProsodicEntry with syllable weight profile for testing AAR vs LSR predictions.

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                                                        kurisumasu 'Christmas' — accent on antepenultimate mora (su). @cite{kawahara-2015} (10a).

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                                                          asufaruto 'asphalt' — accent on antepenultimate mora (fa). @cite{kawahara-2015} (10g).

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                                                            makudonarudo 'McDonald' — accent on antepenultimate mora (na). @cite{kawahara-2015} (10h).

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                                                              amerika 'America' — unaccented (4-mora with two final light σ). @cite{kawahara-2015} (16a).

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                                                                Japanese suffix with fine-grained accent classification.

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                                                                    -tara (conditional): recessive suffix — bears accent, loses to root. @cite{kawahara-2015} (29).

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                                                                      -ppoi (-ish): dominant suffix — bears accent, overrides root. @cite{kawahara-2015} (30).

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                                                                        -si (Mr.): recessive pre-accenting — inserts accent on root-final σ when root is unaccented, preserves root accent when present. @cite{kawahara-2015} (31).

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                                                                          -ke (family of): dominant pre-accenting — always inserts accent on root-final σ, deleting any root accent. @cite{kawahara-2015} (32).

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                                                                            -mono (thing): accent-shifting — shifts existing root accent to pre-suffix position. Unaccented roots stay unaccented. @cite{kawahara-2015} (33).

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                                                                              o- (honorific prefix): post-accenting — inserts accent after prefix. @cite{kawahara-2015} (34).

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                                                                                -teki (的 -like): deaccenting — deletes root accent, no new accent. @cite{kawahara-2015} (36).

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                                                                                  -zu (group/plural): initial-accenting — inserts accent on root-initial σ. @cite{kawahara-2015} (39).

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                                                                                    Recessive pre-accenting is recessive at the coarse level (preserves root accent when present).

                                                                                    Deaccenting is dominant at the coarse level (overrides root accent). This corrects the earlier classification of -teki in this fragment, which used ProsodicDominance.dominant — functionally the same projection, but the fine-grained type makes the behavior explicit.

                                                                                    Accent-shifting is recessive at the coarse level: it only operates on accent that is already present, never creating new accent.

                                                                                    kabuto+musi 'beetle': short N2 (musi, 2μ) pre-accents on N1-final syllable. @cite{kawahara-2015} (22a).

                                                                                    sin+yokohama 'Shin-Yokohama': long N2 (yokohama, 4μ, unaccented) → accent on N2-initial syllable. @cite{kawahara-2015} (23a).

                                                                                    sin+tamane'gi 'new onion': long N2 retains accent. @cite{kawahara-2015} (24a).