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Linglib.Fragments.Italian.Predicates

Italian Verb Entries @cite{fusco-sgrizzi-2026} #

Italian attitude and causative-attitude verbs, with emphasis on the di/a infinitival alternation documented in @cite{fusco-sgrizzi-2026}.

The di/a Alternation #

Italian convincere ('convince') selects two distinct infinitival complements:

The complement marker (di vs a) tracks the complement's structural size, which determines the rational attitude reading.

Italian infinitival complementizers, each associated with a complement size.

  • di: introduces CP-sized infinitival complements (propositional)
  • a: introduces sub-CP (aP) infinitival complements (event predicate)
  • che: introduces full finite CP complements
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          convincere 'convince' — causative attitude verb with dual infinitival selection. Takes di-infinitives (belief) and a-infinitives (intention).

          @cite{fusco-sgrizzi-2026}, ex. (4):

          • (4a) Marco ha convinto Gianni di avere un figlio (belief)
          • (4b) Marco ha convinto Gianni a avere un figlio (intention)
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            credere 'believe' — standard doxastic attitude verb. Takes di-infinitives and che-finite clauses (belief only).

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              volere 'want' — core desiderative verb, robustly subjunctive-selecting.

              @cite{grano-2024}, Table 1: Italian 'want' takes SBJV (marginally %IND).

              • (4a) Gianni vuole che Maria sia/%è contenta. (SBJV preferred)
              • (4b) Gianni vuole essere contento. (INF)
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                sperare 'hope' — cross-linguistically variable mood selection.

                @cite{grano-2024}, Table 1: Italian 'hope' takes SBJV, %IND marginal.

                • (12) Gianni spera che Maria sia/%è contenta. (SBJV preferred) Unlike volere, sperare allows indicative marginally in Italian and freely in other Romance languages (French espérer, Portuguese esperar).
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                  intendere 'intend' — intention-reporting verb, robustly rejects indicative.

                  @cite{grano-2024}, §2.2: Italian 'intend' primarily uses the periphrastic avere intenzione di or the control verb intendere. Indicative complements are never accepted. The rare literary usage with subjunctive (ex. 30, from Treccani) has a 'demand'-like interpretation.

                  • (20) Intendo / Ho intenzione di andare al parco oggi. (INF only)
                  • (28) *Intendo che Giovanni vada/va al parco oggi. (rejected)
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                    fare 'make' — causative verb, robustly rejects indicative.

                    @cite{grano-2024}, §2.4: Italian causatives accept nonfinite and subjunctive (with sì che) but reject indicative complements.

                    • (39) Ho fatto andare Giovanni al parco. (INF)
                    • (42a) Ho fatto sì che Giovanni andasse/*è andato al parco. (SBJV/*IND)
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                      The di/a alternation in convincere is structurally grounded: the two complementizers select different complement sizes, which deterministically map to different attitude readings.

                      sperare does NOT have Levin want-class (explains mood variation).

                      intendere has Levin want-class (patterns with volere on mood).

                      volere and intendere share want-class; sperare does not. This predicts the mood choice asymmetry: volere/intendere robustly reject indicative, while sperare varies (@cite{grano-2024}, Table 1).