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Linglib.Fragments.Greek.StandardModern.Negation

Greek Negation Fragment #

@cite{tsiakmakis-2025} @cite{haspelmath-2013} @cite{dryer-haspelmath-2013}

Greek distinguishes two sentential negation markers that are in complementary distribution by mood:

The two markers are the overt morphological reflex of the NEG₁/NEG₂ distinction that @cite{tsiakmakis-2025} argues is cross-linguistically valid.

A Greek sentential negation marker, augmented with the mood/NCI properties from @cite{tsiakmakis-2025}'s NEG₁/NEG₂ analysis.

Distinct from the cross-linguistic Typology.Negation.NegMarkerEntry substrate (which carries only form/morphemeType/position): this structure exposes the Tsiakmakis-specific paper apparatus that other languages don't have analogues for. The Core entries dhenMarker and minMarker below are the cross-linguistic typology face.

  • form : String

    Surface form (romanization)

  • greek : String

    Greek orthography

  • isIndicative : Bool

    Indicative (dhen) or subjunctive/modal (min)

  • isStandardNegation : Bool

    Does the marker function as standard truth-reversing negation?

  • licensesNCIs : Bool

    Can the marker license NCIs like tipota 'nothing'?

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        dhen (δεν): indicative sentential negation. Negates the verbal predicate of an indicative sentence. Licenses NCIs (tipota, kanenas).

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          min (μην): subjunctive/modal negation. Appears in non-veridical environments: imperatives, subjunctive complements, fear-predicate complements, conditionals, biased questions. Does NOT license NCIs when expletive.

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            dhen in Core substrate form. Cross-linguistic typology face of the indicative negator; the paper-specific mood/NCI apparatus lives on MoodMarkerEntry above.

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              The Greek negation system: two mood-conditioned preverbal particles. dhen (indicative, default-context) listed first, min (subjunctive/ modal) second. The Fragment-side joint consumed by Phenomena/Negation/Studies/Dryer2013.lean.

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                Semantics of dhen: standard truth-functional negation. ⟦dhen⟧ = λp.¬p

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                  Semantics of negative min: modal negation over Best worlds. ⟦min⟧^g(w) = λp. ∀w' ∈ Best_g(w) : ¬p(w') Used in imperatives (Min pas! 'Don't go!') and with canonical dhen (Fovame min dhen efaye 'I fear he maybe didn't eat').

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                    Semantics of expletive min: modal without negation. ⟦min_expletive⟧^g(w) = λp. ∀w' ∈ Best_g(w) : p(w') Used in fear complements (Fovame min efaye 'I fear he maybe ate'), conditionals (Min ksexaso kati 'If I forget something'), and biased questions (Min efaye? 'Did he maybe eat?').

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