Tessler and Goodman (2022): Warm (for Winter): Inferring Comparison Classes in Communication #
This file formalizes Tessler and Goodman's model of how a listener infers the comparison class of a
bare gradable adjective. Lassiter and Goodman's literal listener interprets tall and short as
thresholds on the degree, the threshold drawn from a uniform prior over the support of the degree
prior, and conditions the prior of the comparison class on the utterance with the threshold
integrated out (4)–(5), thresholdMeaning, meaning, L0, the substrate's Kernel.ofDensity
at the threshold prior of Tessler and Goodman's generics model. The speaker knows the comparison
class and chooses among tall, short and silence to convey the degree (3), S, the substrate's
RSA.speaker. The pragmatic listener knows the referent's kind but not the class the speaker
assumed, and infers the degree and the class jointly at the kind's degree prior and a flat class
prior (1), L1, the substrate's RSA.listener of that speaker. The speaker's
share of tall at a degree depends on the comparison class only through the class's mean
degree, and falls as that mean rises, S_tall_real, share_lt_share: tall is the more
informative the lower the class's expectations. Averaged over the kind's plausible
degrees, the listener who hears tall therefore infers the class with the smaller mean and the
listener who hears short the class with the larger mean, tall_infers_smaller_mean,
short_infers_larger_mean, whatever the rationality. This is the polarity by expectations
interaction of Figure 1: a basketball player, whose heights exceed people's, is tall for a
person and short for a basketball player, and a jockey the reverse, expected_tall,
expected_short; warm (for winter) is the same interaction on the scale of temperature. The
literal listener of (6), who updates on the literal meaning alone, predicts the opposite,
preferring for tall the class with the larger mean, literalScore_tall_lt.
The free-paraphrase experiment over ninety item sets and the comparison of comparison-class priors, flat, basic-level biased and frequency weighted, are the paper's empirical content and are described, not formalized.
Implementation notes #
The degree scale is a finite type carrying a degree in the open unit interval, and the priors of the comparison classes and of the kind are probability measures on it with full support, so that every degree is a live hypothesis; the paper's degree priors are elicited or fitted distributions. Costs are equal and omitted. The comparison-class prior is flat, the paper's first model variant; the theorems concern the direction of the inference, which the priors with a basic-level bias or a frequency effect modulate but do not reverse.
References #
Equations
- TesslerGoodman2022.instDecidableEqUtterance x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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In the idealized case the comparison class is the referent's own subordinate category or a superordinate category.
- subordinate : ComparisonClass
- superordinate : ComparisonClass
Instances For
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- TesslerGoodman2022.instDecidableEqComparisonClass x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Under the threshold semantics (4), tall holds of a degree above the threshold, short of one below it, and silence everywhere.
Equations
- TesslerGoodman2022.thresholdMeaning TesslerGoodman2022.Utterance.tall x✝¹ x✝ = (x✝¹ < x✝)
- TesslerGoodman2022.thresholdMeaning TesslerGoodman2022.Utterance.short x✝¹ x✝ = (x✝ < x✝¹)
- TesslerGoodman2022.thresholdMeaning TesslerGoodman2022.Utterance.silent x✝¹ x✝ = True
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The uniform threshold prior's mass above a degree in the unit interval.
The meaning of (5) integrates the threshold semantics out against the uniform threshold prior.
Equations
- TesslerGoodman2022.meaning deg u x = TesslerGoodman2019.uniformThreshold {θ : ℝ | TesslerGoodman2022.thresholdMeaning u θ (deg x)}
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The literal listener (4)–(5) conditions the comparison class's degree prior on the marginalized meaning.
Equations
- TesslerGoodman2022.L0 deg classPrior c = ProbabilityTheory.Kernel.ofDensity (classPrior c) (TesslerGoodman2022.meaning deg)
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The speaker (3) has rationality α, equal costs, and knows the comparison class.
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- TesslerGoodman2022.S deg α classPrior c = RSA.speaker α 0 (⇑(TesslerGoodman2022.L0 deg classPrior c)) MeasureTheory.Measure.dirac
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The pragmatic listener (1) infers the degree and the comparison class jointly, inverting the speaker against the kind's degree prior and a flat class prior.
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- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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The mean degree under a comparison class.
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- TesslerGoodman2022.mean deg classPrior c = TesslerGoodman2019.expectedPrevalence (classPrior c) deg
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At a flat class prior and up to the common normalizer, the class marginal of the literal listener (6) is the prior probability under the class that the utterance is true.
Equations
- TesslerGoodman2022.literalScore deg classPrior u c = ∑ x : X, (classPrior c).real {x} * (TesslerGoodman2022.meaning deg u x).toReal
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Comparison-class preference of the pragmatic listener reduces to the kind-prior-weighted speaker shares, since the flat class prior and the observation marginal cancel.
The row sum of the negative adjective's meaning is the complement of the mean.
The row sum of the positive adjective's meaning is the mean.
The speaker's share of tall depends on the comparison class only through its mean.
The speaker's share of short is the share of tall at the complementary degree and mean.
At a full-support class prior every utterance has positive literal-listener mass.
Hearing tall, the listener infers the comparison class with the smaller mean degree, against which tall is the more informative, polarity by expectations for the positive adjective.
Hearing short, the listener infers the comparison class with the larger mean degree, polarity by expectations for the negative adjective.
For a kind expected to be tall, such as basketball players, whose degrees exceed the superordinate class's, tall is read against people and short against the kind (Figure 1E).
For a kind expected to be short, such as jockeys, tall is read against the kind and short against people.
The literal listener's score for tall is the class's mean degree.
For tall the literal listener (6) prefers the class with the larger mean, the opposite of the pragmatic inference (Figure 2).