Siloni (2012): Reciprocal Verbs and Symmetry #
This file formalizes Siloni's split of reciprocal verbs, the predicates expressing
reciprocity without an anaphoric object, by the locus of reciprocalization, the lexicon or the
syntax (Reciprocal.Formation, Reinhart and Siloni's lex-syn parameter, building on
Siloni (2008)), and its derivation of nine clustering properties from that split alone.
Reciprocalization eliminates the internal argument position and leaves the subject carrying
both profiles' entailments, as a bundled complex role in the lexicon ((35) and (36),
reciprocalize) or as two roles assigned separately by last-resort parasitic assignment in the
syntax ((43), Merger, which also derives the ban on derived subjects and the ECM derivation
(63)). Both loci share Landman's group operators: a symmetric verb is a set of atomic
events whose complex role assigns the group atom over an unordered pair, related to its base by
the meaning postulate of footnote 17 (Verb.SymmetricDenotation), from which the underlying
directional events of (41) follow (underlying_of_symmetric); the syntactic reciprocal has the
accumulation reading (46b) and the packed singular reading (47), whose content coincides with
the symmetric verb's (GroupEventReading.underlyingReading). The "I" reading of embedded
reciprocals (Higginbotham) needs a sub-event reading and a sole-role subject, so both
verb types lack it (I_reading_iff_periphrastic); the periphrastic sub-event reading is derived
from Heim, Lasnik and May's LF (accumulation_of_eachOtherLF).
The nine properties of the conclusion are each a literal of one of four affordances of the
locus, plural events (generalization (29)), stored outputs, the roles of two predicates, and
obligatory accusative reduction (Affordance.Available, Property.Holds); the concluding
cluster and the complementarity of the two clusters are theorems (lexical_properties,
holds_syntactic_iff). The case against an object-clitic analysis of se (section 3) is three
diagnostics on which the transitive grid and the reciprocalized grid diverge and the data side
with reciprocalization: Czech depictive case (depictive_diagnostic), comparative-ellipsis
remnants (ellipsis_diagnostic) and Kayne's causative causee (causative_diagnostic).
The count-adverbial contrast of (15) and (16) is modelled by five atomic mutual events with
inaccessible parts against five accumulation events with ten accessible directional parts
(mutualEvent_not_subEventReading, accumulated_subEventReading), and the discontinuous
construction is the dyadic realization of a symmetric entry (section 7.5, DyadicReading).
Implementation notes #
- Profiles are the Dowty substrate's
EntailmentProfileover a transitiveRoleList; the bundled complex role is the join of the subject's and the object's profiles, and a complex role is one with both Proto-Agent and Proto-Patient content. - The affordances of a locus are the four parameters the paper's mechanisms turn on; the properties are derived from them and not recorded per formation. The exceptions the paper notes, Czech reciprocal event nominals (Hron) and English kiss and hug resisting the discontinuous construction (footnote 32), are recorded in the docstrings.
- The counting model takes events to be finite sets of markers, with a group atom for each round of kissing; the participants' roles are read off the parity of the marker.
References #
Three-way reciprocal classification (section 2.4) #
The three classes of reciprocal constructions, namely the reciprocal anaphor in object position (each other, l'un l'autre) with a subject bearing one θ-role, the reciprocal verb formed in the lexicon by θ-role bundling (section 4.1), whose subject bears a complex [Agent-Theme] role, and the reciprocal verb formed in the syntax by a clitic (section 4.2), whose subject bears two θ-roles via parasitic assignment.
- periphrastic : Construction
- lexicalVerb : Construction
- syntacticVerb : Construction
Instances For
Equations
- Siloni2012.instDecidableEqConstruction x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
The reciprocal-verb class determined by formation locus.
Equations
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The lex-syn architecture (sections 3.5 and 5 to 6) #
The four affordances of a locus of application, each carrying one of the paper's mechanisms: plural events, which arise only upon syntactic merging (generalization (29)); stored outputs, which may take frozen entries as input, drift, head idioms and feed lexical nominalization while listing caps productivity (sections 5.3 and 6); the θ-roles of two distinct predicates, as in ECM configurations (section 5.2); and the obligatory reduction of accusative case whichever argument is suppressed ([RS05], section 5.1).
- pluralEvents : Affordance
- storesOutputs : Affordance
- spansPredicates : Affordance
- reducesAccusative : Affordance
Instances For
Equations
- Siloni2012.instDecidableEqAffordance x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
Equations
- Siloni2012.instFintypeAffordance = { elems := { val := ↑Siloni2012.Affordance.enumList, nodup := Siloni2012.Affordance.enumList_nodup }, complete := Siloni2012.instFintypeAffordance._proof_1 }
The affordances of a locus. The syntax has plural events and sees the roles of two predicates; the lexicon stores its outputs and reduces accusative case.
Equations
- Siloni2012.Affordance.pluralEvents.Available x✝ = (x✝ = Reciprocal.Formation.syntactic)
- Siloni2012.Affordance.spansPredicates.Available x✝ = (x✝ = Reciprocal.Formation.syntactic)
- Siloni2012.Affordance.storesOutputs.Available x✝ = (x✝ = Reciprocal.Formation.lexical)
- Siloni2012.Affordance.reducesAccusative.Available x✝ = (x✝ = Reciprocal.Formation.lexical)
Instances For
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
The locus where a construction's reciprocity is composed. Only lexical reciprocal verbs compose it in the lexicon; periphrastic reciprocity is composed by the anaphor's plural operator in the syntax (section 2.4).
Equations
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A construction allows the sub-event reading when plural events are available where its reciprocity is composed (section 2.2, generalization (29)).
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Symmetric verbs and reciprocal readings (sections 2.2 and 4.1 to 4.2) #
Neo-Davidsonian format after [Lan00b]: verbs are sets of events, θ-roles are functions
from events to individuals, and both domains are semilattices carrying the group operators.
Footnote 17's lexical format of the symmetric verb is the substrate contract
Verb.SymmetricDenotation; here it meets the paper's numbered readings and the derivation of
(41).
Two base-verb events realizing the two directions between d₁ and d₂, the kernel shared
by (41b), (46b) and (47).
Equations
- Siloni2012.CrossedPair V ag th d₁ d₂ e₁ e₂ = (e₁ ∈ V ∧ e₂ ∈ V ∧ ag e₁ = d₁ ∧ th e₁ = d₂ ∧ ag e₂ = d₂ ∧ th e₂ = d₁)
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The accumulation reading of a syntactic reciprocal (46b), on which the event is the plain sum of the two directional sub-events.
Equations
- Siloni2012.AccumulationReading V ag th d₁ d₂ e = ∃ (e₁ : E) (e₂ : E), e = e₁ ⊔ e₂ ∧ Siloni2012.CrossedPair V ag th d₁ d₂ e₁ e₂
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The singular-event reading of a syntactic reciprocal (47): up packs the sum of the
directional sub-events into an atomic group event.
Equations
- Siloni2012.GroupEventReading GE V ag th d₁ d₂ e = ∃ (e₁ : E) (e₂ : E), e = GE.up (e₁ ⊔ e₂) ∧ Siloni2012.CrossedPair V ag th d₁ d₂ e₁ e₂
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The content of (41b), on which the event's dissolution is the sum of two directional base events.
Equations
- Siloni2012.UnderlyingReading GE V ag th d₁ d₂ e = ∃ (e₁ : E) (e₂ : E), GE.down e = e₁ ⊔ e₂ ∧ Siloni2012.CrossedPair V ag th d₁ d₂ e₁ e₂
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The sub-event reading (section 2.2): the event decomposes into two proper parts realizing the two directions.
Equations
- Siloni2012.SubEventReading V ag th d₁ d₂ e = ∃ (e₁ : E) (e₂ : E), e₁ < e ∧ e₂ < e ∧ e = e₁ ⊔ e₂ ∧ Siloni2012.CrossedPair V ag th d₁ d₂ e₁ e₂
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An event with the sub-event reading has proper parts, so it is not atomic.
Incomparable crossed sub-events yield the sub-event reading: the accumulation reading makes sub-events visible (46b).
On the singular-event reading too, counting sees one event: group events are atoms.
The interpretation in (47) is identical to that of the symmetric verb in (41b): the group-event reading's dissolution content is what the symmetric verb's postulate delivers.
A symmetric kissing of the pair entails two underlying directional kissings (41), by
Verb.SymmetricDenotation's meaning postulate (the SYM marking of (36), footnote 17).
A symmetric verb's events admit no sub-event reading for any predicate and roles whatsoever: the underlying events are invisible to counting and modification (section 2.2).
Reciprocalization on argument structure (sections 4.1 to 4.2) #
Reciprocalization eliminates the internal argument position and leaves the subject carrying
both profiles' entailments, a bundled complex role in the lexicon ((35) and (36)) and two
separately assigned roles in the syntax (43). On the Dowty substrate the profile content is the
join of EntailmentProfiles over a transitive RoleList, the valency substrate's
Voice.reciprocalization coding-frame operation with both core roles cumulated and the derived
construction intransitive.
Reciprocalization (35) eliminates the internal position and bundles its profile onto the
subject; the bundle retains the thematic properties of both roles (reciprocalize_dominates).
Equations
- Siloni2012.reciprocalize r = { subjectProfile := match r.objectProfile with | some o => r.subjectProfile ∪ o | none => r.subjectProfile }
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Reciprocalization leaves no internal argument.
The reciprocalized subject retains the base subject's Proto-Agent entailments and inherits the object's Proto-Patient entailments, the Czech depictive (section 3.1) and comparative-ellipsis (section 3.2) diagnostics.
For any transitive base with an agentive subject and an affected object, the reciprocalized subject bears a complex role (section 4.1).
A reciprocal verb entry's bundled subject role is the subject of its reciprocalized base grid: the entry-level and grid-level operations agree.
Against an object-clitic analysis of se (section 3) #
The rival analysis keeps the base transitive grid, with se realizing the internal argument;
reciprocalization instead removes the internal position and leaves the subject with both roles.
Three diagnostics decide, each a function from the verb's grid to an observable. Czech
depictives agree in case with the argument they are predicated of (17): with se, a depictive
construing with the Theme is nominative (18), so the Theme sits on the subject. The
comparative-ellipsis remnant construes with a case-marked argument position: transitives allow
subject and object readings (19a), se-verbs only the subject reading (19b), and an accusative
remnant is ungrammatical (20) because no accusative argument exists. And [Kay75]'s
causative generalization introduces the causee of a transitive with dative à and leaves an
intransitive's causee bare (25a) and (25b): se-verbs take the bare causee (25d), patterning
with intransitives, though a genuine object clitic patterns transitively (25c). The fourth
diagnostic, that derived subjects never reciprocalize (section 3.4, (26)), is
Merger.eq_of_assigned_nil.
[Kay75]'s causative generalization (section 3.3): under faire, the causee of an object-taking predicate is introduced by dative à; an intransitive's causee stays bare.
Equations
- Siloni2012.causeeRegion r = if r.objectProfile.isSome = true then ArgumentStructure.CaseRegion.dative else ArgumentStructure.CaseRegion.accAbs
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Keeping the transitive grid predicts the dative causee and reciprocalization the bare causee, and Pierre a fait s'embrasser Jean et Marie decides for reciprocalization ((25a) against (25d)).
The case of a depictive construing with the Theme (section 3.1), accusative if the internal role sits on an object (17) and nominative if it sits on the subject.
Equations
- Siloni2012.themeDepictiveRegion r = if r.objectProfile.isSome = true then ArgumentStructure.CaseRegion.accAbs else ArgumentStructure.CaseRegion.nomErg
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With se the theme-oriented depictive is nominative (18), and licitly so since the reciprocalized subject bears the object's Proto-Patient entailments; the object-clitic grid predicts accusative.
The comparative remnant construes with a grid position (section 3.2): the transitive offers two readings (19a), the reciprocalized grid one (19b); with no object there is no accusative remnant ((20) and (21)).
Parasitic assignment (section 4.2, (43); the ECM derivation (63)) #
The syntactic operation forms no complex role: se reduces case (43a), the internal role is retained on the verbal projection, and a retained role is assigned upon merger of another θ-argument, a last-resort step (43b). Raising and passive subjects arrive by internal merge, which assigns no role, so a retained role can never discharge on them: derived subjects never reciprocalize ((45), section 3.4). In the ECM derivation (63), the embedded verb's unassigned Agent survives the EPP-deficient TP and rides the matrix external merger, so that Jean ends with both roles.
Merger against the verbal projection's retained-role ledger ((43) and (63)): canonical θ-merger discharges one role; se-marked parasitic merger discharges the merging role together with every retained role (last resort); internal merge (movement) discharges nothing.
- canonical (m : Bool) (θ : ArgumentStructure.ThetaRole) (rest : List ArgumentStructure.ThetaRole) : Merger m (θ :: rest) [θ] rest
- parasitic (θ : ArgumentStructure.ThetaRole) (retained : List ArgumentStructure.ThetaRole) : retained ≠ [] → Merger true (θ :: retained) (θ :: retained) []
- internalMerge (m : Bool) (pending : List ArgumentStructure.ThetaRole) : Merger m pending [] pending
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Without the morphology there is no parasitic assignment, so no argument receives two roles: the marking requirement rules out the sole potential case of overgeneration (section 5.2).
Two θ-roles land on one argument only via the marked last resort, section 4.3's sole-role diagnosis, covering (63)'s ECM case where both roles are agentive.
A merger that assigns no role is movement and leaves the ledger intact: derived subjects never discharge a retained role ((45), section 3.4).
At the matrix TP, se-marked merger assigns the matrix external role of entendre together with the retained embedded Agent of chanter (63c).
The nine-property cluster (sections 2 to 7) #
The nine properties distinguishing lexical from syntactic reciprocal verbs, in the order of the paper's concluding enumeration: (i) reciprocity involves a singular atomic event, so that count adverbials yield mutual events rather than directional sub-events (sections 2.2 to 2.3); (ii) the operation applies productively to transitive verbs (sections 3.5 and 5); (iii) ECM reciprocal verbs exist, reciprocalization spanning a clause boundary (section 5.2); (iv) the verb can be formed from a frozen entry without a transitive alternate (section 5.3); (v) it can undergo semantic drift (section 5.3); (vi) it can head phrasal idioms unavailable to the transitive alternate (section 5.3); (vii) it can retain an accusative argument when reciprocalization suppresses the dative (section 5.1); (viii) it derives reciprocal event nominals (section 6), with the exception of Czech, whose lexical nominalization ([Hro05]) feeds syntactic reciprocalization because its clitic attaches to nouns; and (ix) it allows the discontinuous construction of subject and comitative (section 7), a property of symmetric verbs (section 7.5) with verb-level exceptions in both directions, English kiss and hug resisting it (footnote 32) and listed entries in syntax-setting languages such as French se battre allowing it (section 7.2).
- singularEvent : Property
- productive : Property
- ecmReciprocals : Property
- frozenInput : Property
- semanticDrift : Property
- phrasalIdioms : Property
- retainsAccOnDativeSuppression : Property
- eventNominals : Property
- discontinuous : Property
Instances For
Equations
- Siloni2012.instDecidableEqProperty x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
Equations
- Siloni2012.instFintypeProperty = { elems := { val := ↑Siloni2012.Property.enumList, nodup := Siloni2012.Property.enumList_nodup }, complete := Siloni2012.instFintypeProperty._proof_1 }
A property holds of a formation as a literal of one affordance of its locus: the paper's reduction of the nine properties to the locus of formation.
Equations
- Siloni2012.Property.singularEvent.Holds x✝ = ¬Siloni2012.Affordance.pluralEvents.Available x✝
- Siloni2012.Property.discontinuous.Holds x✝ = ¬Siloni2012.Affordance.pluralEvents.Available x✝
- Siloni2012.Property.productive.Holds x✝ = ¬Siloni2012.Affordance.storesOutputs.Available x✝
- Siloni2012.Property.ecmReciprocals.Holds x✝ = Siloni2012.Affordance.spansPredicates.Available x✝
- Siloni2012.Property.frozenInput.Holds x✝ = Siloni2012.Affordance.storesOutputs.Available x✝
- Siloni2012.Property.semanticDrift.Holds x✝ = Siloni2012.Affordance.storesOutputs.Available x✝
- Siloni2012.Property.phrasalIdioms.Holds x✝ = Siloni2012.Affordance.storesOutputs.Available x✝
- Siloni2012.Property.eventNominals.Holds x✝ = Siloni2012.Affordance.storesOutputs.Available x✝
- Siloni2012.Property.retainsAccOnDativeSuppression.Holds x✝ = ¬Siloni2012.Affordance.reducesAccusative.Available x✝
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Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
The concluding table, listing the properties of lexical reciprocal verbs.
The two clusters are complementary on every property: the loci differ on every affordance and every property is a literal of one affordance.
The discontinuous construction is a property of symmetric verbs, those whose reciprocity is a singular event (section 7.5): both are the absence of plural events at the locus.
The "I" reading (sections 2.1 and 4.3) #
In John and Paul said they defeated each other in the final ([Hig80]), the "I"
reading, on which John said he defeated Paul and Paul said he defeated John, requires both that
the embedded verb allow the sub-event reading and that its subject bear exactly one θ-role
(section 4.3). The LF decomposition of the periphrastic side is Studies/HeimLasnikMay1991.
The subject's entailment profile over a transitive base. The periphrastic subject bears the base
subject role, while both verb types accumulate both profiles' entailments, as one bundled complex
role in the lexicon (36) or as two separately assigned roles in the syntax ((43), Merger).
Equations
- Siloni2012.Construction.subjectProfile r Siloni2012.Construction.periphrastic = r.subjectProfile
- Siloni2012.Construction.subjectProfile r Siloni2012.Construction.lexicalVerb = (Siloni2012.reciprocalize r).subjectProfile
- Siloni2012.Construction.subjectProfile r Siloni2012.Construction.syntacticVerb = (Siloni2012.reciprocalize r).subjectProfile
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The "I" reading over a transitive base (section 4.3), which requires the sub-event reading to be available and the subject to bear a sole role, a profile that is not complex.
Equations
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Sub-event availability is necessary for the "I" reading.
A sole θ-role on the subject is necessary for the "I" reading.
A periphrastic reciprocal over a non-complex subject role allows the "I" reading: sub-events from the anaphor's plural operator and a sole role on the subject.
No plural events in the lexicon, so no sub-events and no "I" reading, for any base.
In the syntax the bundled subject is a complex role, so there is no "I" reading though the sub-event reading is available.
Neither reciprocal verb type allows the "I" reading, over any transitive base with an agentive subject and an affected object.
Over any transitive base whose subject role is agentive but not complex and whose object is affected, the "I" reading is available in the periphrastic construction and only there.
Singular-event verbs lack the sub-event reading: both are the availability of plural events at the composition locus (sections 2.2 to 2.3).
The periphrastic source of sub-events (section 2.1) #
The sub-event reading of periphrastic reciprocals comes from the anaphor's plural operator: on a two-membered antecedent, [HLM91]'s each-other LF delivers exactly the two directional relations, which sum to the accumulation reading.
On a pair antecedent, the each-other LF is the crossed directional pattern: strong reciprocity at two members.
The periphrastic construction has the accumulation reading: the LF's two directional relations, read off the base verb's events, sum to a plural reciprocal event (sections 2.1 to 2.2).
Count adverbials: five mutual against ten directional events (section 2.2) #
Five rounds of kissing between Dan and Rina yield ten directional events. The Hebrew symmetric
verb packs each round into a group atom: hitnašku xameš pe'amim counts five mutual events
(card_mutualEvent), each recovering its round's directional events by dissolution
(mutualEvent_down) though they are not parts of the counted event
(mutualEvent_not_subEventReading), which is also why *hitnašku al ha-mecax 'kissed on the
forehead' fails (15d). The French accumulation reading sums the two directional events instead:
the same five rounds (card_accumulated) keep both directional events accessible as proper
parts (directional_lt_accumulated), so s'embrassèrent cinq fois can also count ten
(16b).
Equations
- Siloni2012.instDecidableEqKisser x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
The event domain, finite sets of atomic event markers, the left summand for directional kissings and the right for group atoms.
Equations
- Siloni2012.KissEvent = Finset (ℕ ⊕ ℕ)
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Round j kisses in both directions: Dan's is event 2j, Rina's is event 2j + 1.
Equations
- Siloni2012.kiss = {e : Siloni2012.KissEvent | ∃ i < 10, e = Siloni2012.directional i}
Instances For
The even directional events, Dan's kissings of Rina.
Equations
- Siloni2012.IsDansKissing e = ∃ j < 5, e = Siloni2012.directional (2 * j)
Instances For
Equations
- Siloni2012.instDecidablePredKissEventIsDansKissing e = decidable_of_iff (∃ j ∈ Finset.range 5, e = Siloni2012.directional (2 * j)) ⋯
The agent of a directional kissing, Dan for the even events.
Equations
- Siloni2012.kissAg e = if Siloni2012.IsDansKissing e then Siloni2012.Kisser.dan else Siloni2012.Kisser.rina
Instances For
The theme of a directional kissing, Rina for the even events.
Equations
- Siloni2012.kissTh e = if Siloni2012.IsDansKissing e then Siloni2012.Kisser.rina else Siloni2012.Kisser.dan
Instances For
Round j's two directional events form a crossed pair.
The j-th mutual kissing event: the round's two directional events packed as a group atom,
the Hebrew hitnašku denotation.
Equations
- Siloni2012.mutualEvent j = Siloni2012.kissGroups.up (Siloni2012.directional (2 * ↑j) ⊔ Siloni2012.directional (2 * ↑j + 1))
Instances For
Five mutual kissing events (15).
Ten directional kissing events underlie them.
Each mutual event dissolves to its round's directional events.
Yet the mutual event has no accessible parts: the count adverbial and locative modification see one atomic event per round ((15a) and (15d)).
The French accumulation event of round j is the plain sum (16).
Equations
- Siloni2012.accumulated j = Siloni2012.directional (2 * ↑j) ⊔ Siloni2012.directional (2 * ↑j + 1)
Instances For
Five accumulation events, the five-count of (16b).
The accumulation event keeps the sub-event reading: both directional events are accessible ((16b)'s ten-count, (16c)'s modification).
Both directional events are proper parts of the accumulation event.
The discontinuous construction: dyadic symmetric verbs (sections 7.4 to 7.5) #
The discontinuous phrase is an argument (section 7.4), so lexical reciprocal verbs have two realizations of one entry: monadic, with the pair-group subject, and dyadic, with subject and comitative each contributing one member of the pair (section 7.5). Syntactic reciprocal verbs have no listed symmetric entry to realize dyadically, which is why drifted se battre 'fight' allows discontinuity in syntax-set French (section 7.2) while English kiss and hug resist it lexically (footnote 32).
The dyadic realization (section 7.5), whose events and complex role are those of the monadic symmetric entry, the role taken at the subject and comitative's pair-group.
Equations
- Siloni2012.DyadicReading GD Vsym agTh d₁ d₂ e = (e ∈ Vsym ∧ agTh e = GD.up (d₁ ⊔ d₂))
Instances For
Discontinuity is symmetric: Dan corresponded with Rina and Rina corresponded with Dan describe the same events, the pair-group being unordered (section 7.1).
The discontinuous construction entails reciprocity between subject and oblique (section 7.1): the dyadic reading of a symmetric verb yields the crossed directional events.
The language sample (sections 2.4, 5 and 7) #
The paper's language sample; the abstract announces ten languages and eleven are named with data.
- hebrew : Language
- russian : Language
- hungarian : Language
- english : Language
- french : Language
- italian : Language
- spanish : Language
- czech : Language
- romanian : Language
- serboCroatian : Language
- bulgarian : Language
Instances For
Equations
- Siloni2012.instDecidableEqLanguage x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
Equations
- Siloni2012.instFintypeLanguage = { elems := { val := ↑Siloni2012.Language.enumList, nodup := Siloni2012.Language.enumList_nodup }, complete := Siloni2012.instFintypeLanguage._proof_1 }
The locus at which a language forms its reciprocal verbs (section 2.4), the lexicon in Hebrew, Russian, Hungarian and English and the syntax in the Romance languages, Czech, Serbo-Croatian and Bulgarian. English's reciprocal verbs (intransitive kiss, meet, collide) are lexicon-formed though the language's primary strategy is periphrastic, and footnote 32 notes that kiss and hug nonetheless resist the discontinuous construction.
Equations
- Siloni2012.Language.hebrew.formation = Reciprocal.Formation.lexical
- Siloni2012.Language.russian.formation = Reciprocal.Formation.lexical
- Siloni2012.Language.hungarian.formation = Reciprocal.Formation.lexical
- Siloni2012.Language.english.formation = Reciprocal.Formation.lexical
- Siloni2012.Language.french.formation = Reciprocal.Formation.syntactic
- Siloni2012.Language.italian.formation = Reciprocal.Formation.syntactic
- Siloni2012.Language.spanish.formation = Reciprocal.Formation.syntactic
- Siloni2012.Language.czech.formation = Reciprocal.Formation.syntactic
- Siloni2012.Language.romanian.formation = Reciprocal.Formation.syntactic
- Siloni2012.Language.serboCroatian.formation = Reciprocal.Formation.syntactic
- Siloni2012.Language.bulgarian.formation = Reciprocal.Formation.syntactic