Documentation

Studies.Siloni2012

Siloni (2012): Reciprocal Verbs and Symmetry #

This file formalizes Siloni's split of reciprocal verbs, the predicates expressing reciprocity without an anaphoric object, by the locus of reciprocalization, the lexicon or the syntax (Reciprocal.Formation, Reinhart and Siloni's lex-syn parameter, building on Siloni (2008)), and its derivation of nine clustering properties from that split alone. Reciprocalization eliminates the internal argument position and leaves the subject carrying both profiles' entailments, as a bundled complex role in the lexicon ((35) and (36), reciprocalize) or as two roles assigned separately by last-resort parasitic assignment in the syntax ((43), Merger, which also derives the ban on derived subjects and the ECM derivation (63)). Both loci share Landman's group operators: a symmetric verb is a set of atomic events whose complex role assigns the group atom over an unordered pair, related to its base by the meaning postulate of footnote 17 (Verb.SymmetricDenotation), from which the underlying directional events of (41) follow (underlying_of_symmetric); the syntactic reciprocal has the accumulation reading (46b) and the packed singular reading (47), whose content coincides with the symmetric verb's (GroupEventReading.underlyingReading). The "I" reading of embedded reciprocals (Higginbotham) needs a sub-event reading and a sole-role subject, so both verb types lack it (I_reading_iff_periphrastic); the periphrastic sub-event reading is derived from Heim, Lasnik and May's LF (accumulation_of_eachOtherLF).

The nine properties of the conclusion are each a literal of one of four affordances of the locus, plural events (generalization (29)), stored outputs, the roles of two predicates, and obligatory accusative reduction (Affordance.Available, Property.Holds); the concluding cluster and the complementarity of the two clusters are theorems (lexical_properties, holds_syntactic_iff). The case against an object-clitic analysis of se (section 3) is three diagnostics on which the transitive grid and the reciprocalized grid diverge and the data side with reciprocalization: Czech depictive case (depictive_diagnostic), comparative-ellipsis remnants (ellipsis_diagnostic) and Kayne's causative causee (causative_diagnostic). The count-adverbial contrast of (15) and (16) is modelled by five atomic mutual events with inaccessible parts against five accumulation events with ten accessible directional parts (mutualEvent_not_subEventReading, accumulated_subEventReading), and the discontinuous construction is the dyadic realization of a symmetric entry (section 7.5, DyadicReading).

Implementation notes #

References #

Three-way reciprocal classification (section 2.4) #

The three classes of reciprocal constructions, namely the reciprocal anaphor in object position (each other, l'un l'autre) with a subject bearing one θ-role, the reciprocal verb formed in the lexicon by θ-role bundling (section 4.1), whose subject bears a complex [Agent-Theme] role, and the reciprocal verb formed in the syntax by a clitic (section 4.2), whose subject bears two θ-roles via parasitic assignment.

Instances For
    @[instance_reducible]
    Equations

    The lex-syn architecture (sections 3.5 and 5 to 6) #

    The four affordances of a locus of application, each carrying one of the paper's mechanisms: plural events, which arise only upon syntactic merging (generalization (29)); stored outputs, which may take frozen entries as input, drift, head idioms and feed lexical nominalization while listing caps productivity (sections 5.3 and 6); the θ-roles of two distinct predicates, as in ECM configurations (section 5.2); and the obligatory reduction of accusative case whichever argument is suppressed ([RS05], section 5.1).

    Instances For
      @[instance_reducible]
      Equations

      The affordances of a locus. The syntax has plural events and sees the roles of two predicates; the lexicon stores its outputs and reduces accusative case.

      Equations
      Instances For
        @[instance_reducible]
        Equations
        • One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.

        The locus where a construction's reciprocity is composed. Only lexical reciprocal verbs compose it in the lexicon; periphrastic reciprocity is composed by the anaphor's plural operator in the syntax (section 2.4).

        Equations
        Instances For

          A construction allows the sub-event reading when plural events are available where its reciprocity is composed (section 2.2, generalization (29)).

          Equations
          Instances For

            Symmetric verbs and reciprocal readings (sections 2.2 and 4.1 to 4.2) #

            Neo-Davidsonian format after [Lan00b]: verbs are sets of events, θ-roles are functions from events to individuals, and both domains are semilattices carrying the group operators. Footnote 17's lexical format of the symmetric verb is the substrate contract Verb.SymmetricDenotation; here it meets the paper's numbered readings and the derivation of (41).

            def Siloni2012.CrossedPair {D : Type u_1} {E : Type u_2} (V : Set E) (ag th : E → D) (d₁ d₂ : D) (e₁ e₂ : E) :

            Two base-verb events realizing the two directions between d₁ and d₂, the kernel shared by (41b), (46b) and (47).

            Equations
            • Siloni2012.CrossedPair V ag th d₁ d₂ e₁ e₂ = (e₁ ∈ V ∧ e₂ ∈ V ∧ ag e₁ = d₁ ∧ th e₁ = d₂ ∧ ag e₂ = d₂ ∧ th e₂ = d₁)
            Instances For
              def Siloni2012.AccumulationReading {D : Type u_1} {E : Type u_2} [SemilatticeSup E] (V : Set E) (ag th : E → D) (d₁ d₂ : D) (e : E) :

              The accumulation reading of a syntactic reciprocal (46b), on which the event is the plain sum of the two directional sub-events.

              Equations
              Instances For
                def Siloni2012.GroupEventReading {D : Type u_1} {E : Type u_2} [SemilatticeSup E] (GE : Plurality.GroupStructure E) (V : Set E) (ag th : E → D) (d₁ d₂ : D) (e : E) :

                The singular-event reading of a syntactic reciprocal (47): up packs the sum of the directional sub-events into an atomic group event.

                Equations
                Instances For
                  def Siloni2012.UnderlyingReading {D : Type u_1} {E : Type u_2} [SemilatticeSup E] (GE : Plurality.GroupStructure E) (V : Set E) (ag th : E → D) (d₁ d₂ : D) (e : E) :

                  The content of (41b), on which the event's dissolution is the sum of two directional base events.

                  Equations
                  Instances For
                    def Siloni2012.SubEventReading {D : Type u_1} {E : Type u_2} [SemilatticeSup E] (V : Set E) (ag th : E → D) (d₁ d₂ : D) (e : E) :

                    The sub-event reading (section 2.2): the event decomposes into two proper parts realizing the two directions.

                    Equations
                    Instances For
                      theorem Siloni2012.SubEventReading.not_atom {D : Type u_1} {E : Type u_2} [SemilatticeSup E] {V : Set E} {ag th : E → D} {d₁ d₂ : D} {e : E} :
                      SubEventReading V ag th d₁ d₂ e → ¬Mereology.Atom e

                      An event with the sub-event reading has proper parts, so it is not atomic.

                      theorem Siloni2012.subEventReading_of_crossedPair {D : Type u_1} {E : Type u_2} [SemilatticeSup E] {V : Set E} {ag th : E → D} {d₁ d₂ : D} {e₁ e₂ : E} (h₁ : ¬e₂ ≤ e₁) (h₂ : ¬e₁ ≤ e₂) (hc : CrossedPair V ag th d₁ d₂ e₁ e₂) :
                      SubEventReading V ag th d₁ d₂ (e₁ ⊔ e₂)

                      Incomparable crossed sub-events yield the sub-event reading: the accumulation reading makes sub-events visible (46b).

                      theorem Siloni2012.GroupEventReading.atom {D : Type u_1} {E : Type u_2} [SemilatticeSup E] {V : Set E} {ag th : E → D} {d₁ d₂ : D} {e : E} {GE : Plurality.GroupStructure E} (h : GroupEventReading GE V ag th d₁ d₂ e) :

                      On the singular-event reading too, counting sees one event: group events are atoms.

                      theorem Siloni2012.GroupEventReading.underlyingReading {D : Type u_1} {E : Type u_2} [SemilatticeSup E] {V : Set E} {ag th : E → D} {d₁ d₂ : D} {e : E} {GE : Plurality.GroupStructure E} (h : GroupEventReading GE V ag th d₁ d₂ e) :
                      UnderlyingReading GE V ag th d₁ d₂ e

                      The interpretation in (47) is identical to that of the symmetric verb in (41b): the group-event reading's dissolution content is what the symmetric verb's postulate delivers.

                      theorem Siloni2012.underlying_of_symmetric {D : Type u_1} {E : Type u_2} [SemilatticeSup E] {V : Set E} {ag th : E → D} {d₁ d₂ : D} {e : E} {GE : Plurality.GroupStructure E} [SemilatticeSup D] {GD : Plurality.GroupStructure D} {Vsym : Set E} {agTh : E → D} [h : Verb.SymmetricDenotation GD GE V ag th Vsym agTh] (he : e ∈ Vsym) (hne : d₁ ≠ d₂) (hrole : agTh e = GD.up (d₁ ⊔ d₂)) :
                      UnderlyingReading GE V ag th d₁ d₂ e

                      A symmetric kissing of the pair entails two underlying directional kissings (41), by Verb.SymmetricDenotation's meaning postulate (the SYM marking of (36), footnote 17).

                      theorem Siloni2012.not_subEventReading_of_symmetric {D : Type u_1} {E : Type u_2} [SemilatticeSup E] {V : Set E} {ag th : E → D} {e : E} {GE : Plurality.GroupStructure E} [SemilatticeSup D] {GD : Plurality.GroupStructure D} {Vsym : Set E} {agTh : E → D} [h : Verb.SymmetricDenotation GD GE V ag th Vsym agTh] (he : e ∈ Vsym) {V' : Set E} {ag' th' : E → D} {d₁' d₂' : D} :
                      ¬SubEventReading V' ag' th' d₁' d₂' e

                      A symmetric verb's events admit no sub-event reading for any predicate and roles whatsoever: the underlying events are invisible to counting and modification (section 2.2).

                      Reciprocalization on argument structure (sections 4.1 to 4.2) #

                      Reciprocalization eliminates the internal argument position and leaves the subject carrying both profiles' entailments, a bundled complex role in the lexicon ((35) and (36)) and two separately assigned roles in the syntax (43). On the Dowty substrate the profile content is the join of EntailmentProfiles over a transitive RoleList, the valency substrate's Voice.reciprocalization coding-frame operation with both core roles cumulated and the derived construction intransitive.

                      Reciprocalization (35) eliminates the internal position and bundles its profile onto the subject; the bundle retains the thematic properties of both roles (reciprocalize_dominates).

                      Equations
                      Instances For

                        Reciprocalization leaves no internal argument.

                        The reciprocalized subject retains the base subject's Proto-Agent entailments and inherits the object's Proto-Patient entailments, the Czech depictive (section 3.1) and comparative-ellipsis (section 3.2) diagnostics.

                        For any transitive base with an agentive subject and an affected object, the reciprocalized subject bears a complex role (section 4.1).

                        theorem Siloni2012.bundledSubjectProfile_eq_reciprocalize (v : Verb.Reciprocal) {b : Verb} {ps po : ArgumentStructure.EntailmentProfile} (hb : v.base = some b) (hs : b.subjectEntailments = some ps) (ho : b.objectEntailments = some po) :
                        v.bundledSubjectProfile = some (reciprocalize { subjectProfile := ps, objectProfile := some po }).subjectProfile

                        A reciprocal verb entry's bundled subject role is the subject of its reciprocalized base grid: the entry-level and grid-level operations agree.

                        Against an object-clitic analysis of se (section 3) #

                        The rival analysis keeps the base transitive grid, with se realizing the internal argument; reciprocalization instead removes the internal position and leaves the subject with both roles. Three diagnostics decide, each a function from the verb's grid to an observable. Czech depictives agree in case with the argument they are predicated of (17): with se, a depictive construing with the Theme is nominative (18), so the Theme sits on the subject. The comparative-ellipsis remnant construes with a case-marked argument position: transitives allow subject and object readings (19a), se-verbs only the subject reading (19b), and an accusative remnant is ungrammatical (20) because no accusative argument exists. And [Kay75]'s causative generalization introduces the causee of a transitive with dative à and leaves an intransitive's causee bare (25a) and (25b): se-verbs take the bare causee (25d), patterning with intransitives, though a genuine object clitic patterns transitively (25c). The fourth diagnostic, that derived subjects never reciprocalize (section 3.4, (26)), is Merger.eq_of_assigned_nil.

                        [Kay75]'s causative generalization (section 3.3): under faire, the causee of an object-taking predicate is introduced by dative à; an intransitive's causee stays bare.

                        Equations
                        Instances For

                          Keeping the transitive grid predicts the dative causee and reciprocalization the bare causee, and Pierre a fait s'embrasser Jean et Marie decides for reciprocalization ((25a) against (25d)).

                          The case of a depictive construing with the Theme (section 3.1), accusative if the internal role sits on an object (17) and nominative if it sits on the subject.

                          Equations
                          Instances For

                            With se the theme-oriented depictive is nominative (18), and licitly so since the reciprocalized subject bears the object's Proto-Patient entailments; the object-clitic grid predicts accusative.

                            theorem Siloni2012.ellipsis_diagnostic {base : ArgumentStructure.RoleList} {o : ArgumentStructure.EntailmentProfile} (ho : base.objectProfile = some o) :
                            (reciprocalize base).args.length = 1 ∧ base.args.length = 2

                            The comparative remnant construes with a grid position (section 3.2): the transitive offers two readings (19a), the reciprocalized grid one (19b); with no object there is no accusative remnant ((20) and (21)).

                            Parasitic assignment (section 4.2, (43); the ECM derivation (63)) #

                            The syntactic operation forms no complex role: se reduces case (43a), the internal role is retained on the verbal projection, and a retained role is assigned upon merger of another θ-argument, a last-resort step (43b). Raising and passive subjects arrive by internal merge, which assigns no role, so a retained role can never discharge on them: derived subjects never reciprocalize ((45), section 3.4). In the ECM derivation (63), the embedded verb's unassigned Agent survives the EPP-deficient TP and rides the matrix external merger, so that Jean ends with both roles.

                            inductive Siloni2012.Merger (seMarked : Bool) (before assigned after : List ArgumentStructure.ThetaRole) :

                            Merger against the verbal projection's retained-role ledger ((43) and (63)): canonical θ-merger discharges one role; se-marked parasitic merger discharges the merging role together with every retained role (last resort); internal merge (movement) discharges nothing.

                            Instances For
                              theorem Siloni2012.Merger.length_le_one {before assigned after : List ArgumentStructure.ThetaRole} (h : Merger false before assigned after) :
                              assigned.length ≤ 1

                              Without the morphology there is no parasitic assignment, so no argument receives two roles: the marking requirement rules out the sole potential case of overgeneration (section 5.2).

                              theorem Siloni2012.Merger.marked_of_two_roles {m : Bool} {before assigned after : List ArgumentStructure.ThetaRole} (h : Merger m before assigned after) (h2 : 2 ≤ assigned.length) :
                              m = true

                              Two θ-roles land on one argument only via the marked last resort, section 4.3's sole-role diagnosis, covering (63)'s ECM case where both roles are agentive.

                              theorem Siloni2012.Merger.eq_of_assigned_nil {m : Bool} {before after : List ArgumentStructure.ThetaRole} (h : Merger m before [] after) :
                              after = before

                              A merger that assigns no role is movement and leaves the ledger intact: derived subjects never discharge a retained role ((45), section 3.4).

                              At the matrix TP, se-marked merger assigns the matrix external role of entendre together with the retained embedded Agent of chanter (63c).

                              The nine-property cluster (sections 2 to 7) #

                              The nine properties distinguishing lexical from syntactic reciprocal verbs, in the order of the paper's concluding enumeration: (i) reciprocity involves a singular atomic event, so that count adverbials yield mutual events rather than directional sub-events (sections 2.2 to 2.3); (ii) the operation applies productively to transitive verbs (sections 3.5 and 5); (iii) ECM reciprocal verbs exist, reciprocalization spanning a clause boundary (section 5.2); (iv) the verb can be formed from a frozen entry without a transitive alternate (section 5.3); (v) it can undergo semantic drift (section 5.3); (vi) it can head phrasal idioms unavailable to the transitive alternate (section 5.3); (vii) it can retain an accusative argument when reciprocalization suppresses the dative (section 5.1); (viii) it derives reciprocal event nominals (section 6), with the exception of Czech, whose lexical nominalization ([Hro05]) feeds syntactic reciprocalization because its clitic attaches to nouns; and (ix) it allows the discontinuous construction of subject and comitative (section 7), a property of symmetric verbs (section 7.5) with verb-level exceptions in both directions, English kiss and hug resisting it (footnote 32) and listed entries in syntax-setting languages such as French se battre allowing it (section 7.2).

                              Instances For
                                @[instance_reducible]
                                Equations
                                @[instance_reducible]
                                Equations
                                • One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.

                                The two clusters are complementary on every property: the loci differ on every affordance and every property is a literal of one affordance.

                                The discontinuous construction is a property of symmetric verbs, those whose reciprocity is a singular event (section 7.5): both are the absence of plural events at the locus.

                                The "I" reading (sections 2.1 and 4.3) #

                                In John and Paul said they defeated each other in the final ([Hig80]), the "I" reading, on which John said he defeated Paul and Paul said he defeated John, requires both that the embedded verb allow the sub-event reading and that its subject bear exactly one θ-role (section 4.3). The LF decomposition of the periphrastic side is Studies/HeimLasnikMay1991.

                                The subject's entailment profile over a transitive base. The periphrastic subject bears the base subject role, while both verb types accumulate both profiles' entailments, as one bundled complex role in the lexicon (36) or as two separately assigned roles in the syntax ((43), Merger).

                                Equations
                                Instances For

                                  The "I" reading over a transitive base (section 4.3), which requires the sub-event reading to be available and the subject to bear a sole role, a profile that is not complex.

                                  Equations
                                  Instances For

                                    Sub-event availability is necessary for the "I" reading.

                                    A sole θ-role on the subject is necessary for the "I" reading.

                                    A periphrastic reciprocal over a non-complex subject role allows the "I" reading: sub-events from the anaphor's plural operator and a sole role on the subject.

                                    No plural events in the lexicon, so no sub-events and no "I" reading, for any base.

                                    In the syntax the bundled subject is a complex role, so there is no "I" reading though the sub-event reading is available.

                                    Neither reciprocal verb type allows the "I" reading, over any transitive base with an agentive subject and an affected object.

                                    Over any transitive base whose subject role is agentive but not complex and whose object is affected, the "I" reading is available in the periphrastic construction and only there.

                                    Singular-event verbs lack the sub-event reading: both are the availability of plural events at the composition locus (sections 2.2 to 2.3).

                                    The periphrastic source of sub-events (section 2.1) #

                                    The sub-event reading of periphrastic reciprocals comes from the anaphor's plural operator: on a two-membered antecedent, [HLM91]'s each-other LF delivers exactly the two directional relations, which sum to the accumulation reading.

                                    theorem Siloni2012.eachOtherLF_pair {D : Type u_1} [DecidableEq D] {d₁ d₂ : D} (R : D → D → Prop) (hne : d₁ ≠ d₂) :
                                    HeimLasnikMay1991.eachOtherLF {d₁, d₂} R ↔ R d₁ d₂ ∧ R d₂ d₁

                                    On a pair antecedent, the each-other LF is the crossed directional pattern: strong reciprocity at two members.

                                    theorem Siloni2012.accumulation_of_eachOtherLF {D : Type u_1} {E : Type u_2} [SemilatticeSup E] [DecidableEq D] {V : Set E} {ag th : E → D} {d₁ d₂ : D} (hne : d₁ ≠ d₂) (h : HeimLasnikMay1991.eachOtherLF {d₁, d₂} fun (a b : D) => ∃ e ∈ V, ag e = a ∧ th e = b) :
                                    ∃ (e : E), AccumulationReading V ag th d₁ d₂ e

                                    The periphrastic construction has the accumulation reading: the LF's two directional relations, read off the base verb's events, sum to a plural reciprocal event (sections 2.1 to 2.2).

                                    Count adverbials: five mutual against ten directional events (section 2.2) #

                                    Five rounds of kissing between Dan and Rina yield ten directional events. The Hebrew symmetric verb packs each round into a group atom: hitnašku xameš pe'amim counts five mutual events (card_mutualEvent), each recovering its round's directional events by dissolution (mutualEvent_down) though they are not parts of the counted event (mutualEvent_not_subEventReading), which is also why *hitnašku al ha-mecax 'kissed on the forehead' fails (15d). The French accumulation reading sums the two directional events instead: the same five rounds (card_accumulated) keep both directional events accessible as proper parts (directional_lt_accumulated), so s'embrassèrent cinq fois can also count ten (16b).

                                    The two participants.

                                    Instances For
                                      @[instance_reducible]
                                      Equations
                                      @[reducible, inline]

                                      The event domain, finite sets of atomic event markers, the left summand for directional kissings and the right for group atoms.

                                      Equations
                                      Instances For

                                        The i-th directional kissing event.

                                        Equations
                                        Instances For

                                          Round j kisses in both directions: Dan's is event 2j, Rina's is event 2j + 1.

                                          Equations
                                          Instances For

                                            The even directional events, Dan's kissings of Rina.

                                            Equations
                                            Instances For
                                              @[instance_reducible]
                                              Equations

                                              The agent of a directional kissing, Dan for the even events.

                                              Equations
                                              Instances For

                                                The theme of a directional kissing, Rina for the even events.

                                                Equations
                                                Instances For

                                                  Round j's two directional events form a crossed pair.

                                                  theorem Siloni2012.directional_not_le {i k : ℕ} (h : i ≠ k) :
                                                  noncomputable def Siloni2012.mutualEvent (j : Fin 5) :

                                                  The j-th mutual kissing event: the round's two directional events packed as a group atom, the Hebrew hitnašku denotation.

                                                  Equations
                                                  Instances For
                                                    theorem Siloni2012.card_mutualEvent :
                                                    (Finset.image mutualEvent Finset.univ).card = 5

                                                    Five mutual kissing events (15).

                                                    theorem Siloni2012.card_directional :
                                                    (Finset.image directional (Finset.range 10)).card = 10

                                                    Ten directional kissing events underlie them.

                                                    theorem Siloni2012.mutualEvent_down (j : Fin 5) :
                                                    kissGroups.down (mutualEvent j) = directional (2 * ↑j) ⊔ directional (2 * ↑j + 1)

                                                    Each mutual event dissolves to its round's directional events.

                                                    Yet the mutual event has no accessible parts: the count adverbial and locative modification see one atomic event per round ((15a) and (15d)).

                                                    The French accumulation event of round j is the plain sum (16).

                                                    Equations
                                                    Instances For
                                                      theorem Siloni2012.card_accumulated :
                                                      (Finset.image accumulated Finset.univ).card = 5

                                                      Five accumulation events, the five-count of (16b).

                                                      The accumulation event keeps the sub-event reading: both directional events are accessible ((16b)'s ten-count, (16c)'s modification).

                                                      theorem Siloni2012.directional_lt_accumulated (j : Fin 5) :
                                                      directional (2 * ↑j) ⊂ accumulated j ∧ directional (2 * ↑j + 1) ⊂ accumulated j

                                                      Both directional events are proper parts of the accumulation event.

                                                      The discontinuous construction: dyadic symmetric verbs (sections 7.4 to 7.5) #

                                                      The discontinuous phrase is an argument (section 7.4), so lexical reciprocal verbs have two realizations of one entry: monadic, with the pair-group subject, and dyadic, with subject and comitative each contributing one member of the pair (section 7.5). Syntactic reciprocal verbs have no listed symmetric entry to realize dyadically, which is why drifted se battre 'fight' allows discontinuity in syntax-set French (section 7.2) while English kiss and hug resist it lexically (footnote 32).

                                                      def Siloni2012.DyadicReading {D : Type u_1} {E : Type u_2} [SemilatticeSup D] (GD : Plurality.GroupStructure D) (Vsym : Set E) (agTh : E → D) (d₁ d₂ : D) (e : E) :

                                                      The dyadic realization (section 7.5), whose events and complex role are those of the monadic symmetric entry, the role taken at the subject and comitative's pair-group.

                                                      Equations
                                                      Instances For
                                                        theorem Siloni2012.dyadicReading_comm {D : Type u_1} {E : Type u_2} [SemilatticeSup D] {GD : Plurality.GroupStructure D} {Vsym : Set E} {d₁ d₂ : D} {e : E} {agTh : E → D} :
                                                        DyadicReading GD Vsym agTh d₁ d₂ e ↔ DyadicReading GD Vsym agTh d₂ d₁ e

                                                        Discontinuity is symmetric: Dan corresponded with Rina and Rina corresponded with Dan describe the same events, the pair-group being unordered (section 7.1).

                                                        theorem Siloni2012.DyadicReading.underlying {D : Type u_1} {E : Type u_2} [SemilatticeSup D] {GD : Plurality.GroupStructure D} {Vsym : Set E} {d₁ d₂ : D} {e : E} [SemilatticeSup E] {GE : Plurality.GroupStructure E} {V : Set E} {ag th agTh : E → D} [h : Verb.SymmetricDenotation GD GE V ag th Vsym agTh] (hne : d₁ ≠ d₂) (hd : DyadicReading GD Vsym agTh d₁ d₂ e) :
                                                        UnderlyingReading GE V ag th d₁ d₂ e

                                                        The discontinuous construction entails reciprocity between subject and oblique (section 7.1): the dyadic reading of a symmetric verb yields the crossed directional events.

                                                        The language sample (sections 2.4, 5 and 7) #

                                                        The paper's language sample; the abstract announces ten languages and eleven are named with data.

                                                        Instances For
                                                          @[instance_reducible]
                                                          Equations