Docs / Studies / Studies.Minor2022

Dependent Plurals and Three Levels of Multiplicity

Minor, S. (2022). Linguistics and Philosophy, 45, 431–509

Minor analyses dependent plurals in a modified Plural Compositional DRT, where a state is a set of assignments. A dref's value at an assignment can be a sum, the dref can take several values across a state, and several values across states. The singular requires atomic values that are all the same, the plural is vacuous, and a bare plural's multiplicity is Exh's negation of the singular. Numerals count atoms at every assignment. Floating all splits a sum into its atoms across the assignments of one state and floating each across singleton states, so The girls were all wearing hats holds when each girl wore one hat and the hats differ, while The girls were each wearing hats and All the girls were wearing several hats need more than one hat per girl.

Main definitions

Implementation notes

  • Assignments come from any register structure and values from any partial order, whose atoms are Mereology.Atom. The examples take finite sets of atoms, whose sum is union.
  • Every register content is an individual, so the lexical relations (63) are Plural CDRT's atomic conditions PCDRT.atom at the identity PCDRT.ValueEmbedding.
  • The event dref of event closure (72) is folded into a verb relating the values of the agent and the theme: in every derivation formalized here it is introduced together with the object.
  • A model fixes the object noun and the verb. A meaning varying with the model is read as a set of model–input–output triples (acrossModels), whose strict inclusion is Generalized Strength (89), and Exh is Exhaustification.exh there.
  • Exh is placed above the VP, the first site the paper considers for each sentence.
  • The girls is the sum of the girls of the model, the value the maximization of fn. 45 (i) returns there. All the girls in (3) is weak distributivity over the girls, the distributivity a plural determiner places over its nuclear scope (108), without its two maximized drefs.

TODO

  • The conservativity argument for the Ban on Singular Licensors ((186)–(195)) beyond its global-atomicity lemma, modified numerals (§6.3.2, §6.3.3), the other sites of Exh, the discourse rule (200), and the Schein–Kratzer sentences of Appendix 2.

References

  • Minor 2022, Dependent Plurals and Three Levels of Multiplicity
  • Brasoveanu 2008, Donkey pluralities: plural information states versus non-atomic individuals
  • Zweig 2009, Number-neutral bare plurals and the multiplicity implicature

Dref introduction (§4.3)

L74–75

Lexical relations (§4.4)

L108–110

Models, Exh, and the VP (§5.3, §6)

L129–134
L137–139
L141–145
L172–176
L196–199

Number and cardinality (§5.1)

L224–225
L229–230
L232–235
L237–239

Exh above the VP negates the singular alternative (114), which some model separates from the plural, so a bare plural object gets the condition (115) ((89)).

theorem exh_vpL258–268
{R : Type u_1} {S : Type u_2} {E : Type u_3} [DynamicSemantics.RegisterStructure R S E] (u u' : R) [PartialOrder E] {y : E} (hy : ¬Mereology.Atom y) (i : S) :
Exhaustification.exh {acrossModels fun (M : Model E) => SetRel.comp (vp u u' M) (DynamicSemantics.Update.test (atomic u' ∩ unique u'))} (acrossModels fun (M : Model E) => vp u u' M) = acrossModels fun (M : Model E) => SetRel.comp (vp u u' M) (DynamicSemantics.Update.test (bare u'))

Built from , , , , ,

Weak and strong distributivity (§5.4)

L272–274
L302–303
L305–306

Truth conditions (§6)

L371–381
L383–392
L394–399

On the dependent plural reading (129) of Three students all carried boxes, each student carried some boxes, not all one and the same box.

theorem dependent_iffL418–430
{R : Type u_1} {S : Type u_2} {E : Type u_3} [DynamicSemantics.RegisterStructure R S E] {u u' : R} {i : S} (P : E → Prop) (M : Model E) [PartialOrder E] (huu' : u ≠ u') :
{i} ∈ SetRel.dom (sentence u u' P (distW u) M (bare u')) ↔ ∃ (x : E), P x ∧ ∃ (b : E → E), (Mereology.atomsBelow x).Nonempty ∧ (∀ a ∈ Mereology.atomsBelow x, M.noun (b a) ∧ M.verb a (b a)) ∧ ¬((∀ a ∈ Mereology.atomsBelow x, Mereology.Atom (b a)) ∧ (b '' Mereology.atomsBelow x).Subsingleton)

Built from , , ,

L433–447

Quantificational determiners (§5.4.4)

L459–463
L482–487
L533–538
L542–580
L585–609
L631–641
L643–654

The plural determiner most over a restrictor P with a bare plural object (131), (137): the greatest sum of P-atoms each of which verbs a sum of nouns, more than one overall, has more atoms than the rest of the greatest sum of P-atoms (pp. 479–480).

theorem detPl_most_iffL656–675
{R : Type u_1} {S : Type u_2} {E : Type u_3} [DynamicSemantics.RegisterStructure R S E] {u u' : R} {i : S} (P : E → Prop) (M : Model E) [PartialOrder E] {u'' : R} (h₁ : u' ≠ u) (h₂ : u ≠ u'') :
{i} ∈ SetRel.dom (detPl most u' u (fun (v : R) => DynamicSemantics.Update.test (lex P v)) fun (v : R) => SetRel.comp (vp v u'' M) (DynamicSemantics.Update.test (bare u''))) ↔ ∃ (x' : E) (x : E), IsGreatest {y : E | (Mereology.atomsBelow y).Nonempty ∧ ∀ a ∈ Mereology.atomsBelow y, P a} x' ∧ IsGreatest {y : E | (Mereology.atomsBelow y).Nonempty ∧ (∀ a ∈ Mereology.atomsBelow y, P a) ∧ ∃ (b : E → E), (∀ a ∈ Mereology.atomsBelow y, M.noun (b a) ∧ M.verb a (b a)) ∧ ¬((∀ a ∈ Mereology.atomsBelow y, Mereology.Atom (b a)) ∧ (b '' Mereology.atomsBelow y).Subsingleton)} x ∧ (Mereology.atomsBelow x' \ Mereology.atomsBelow x).ncard < Mereology.atomCount E x

Built from , , , , ,

L678–693

The girls and their hats (§1, §2)

The examples (3), (4), (10b), (11a), (12b) and (13) are judged in a context where each girl wore a single hat and no two girls the same hat.

L713
L731–733

The analysis predicts the judgments of (4), (11a), (3), (13), (10b) and (12b).

theorem judgmentsL743–817

Built from , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , ,