Dayal (2016): Questions #
The book's baseline theory, chapter 2, blends the three classic theories of questions into the account the later chapters build on. From Hamblin it keeps the denotation, a set of propositions; from Karttunen the truth requirement, moved out of the denotation into an answerhood operator, because in scope marking (What does John think? Where is Mary?) the second question must contribute its false members too; from Groenendijk and Stokhof strong exhaustiveness, obtained by Heim's device of collecting the worlds with the same answer. Its own contribution is number sensitivity: which woman ranges over the atoms of a Sharvy–Link domain, which women and who over the whole domain, and Ans-D returns the true member that entails every other true member, so a singular question presupposes exactly one witness and a plural one at least one, while Beck and Rullmann's intersection operator, being number-blind, cannot draw the distinction. The same operator makes a polar question with a wh phrase unanswerable, and its existential presupposition is a soft one, deniable only by another speaker, which a cleft turns hard.
We state the scope-marking argument on a two-place model, the number paradigm over any atomistic complete lattice, the polar-wh and Beck–Rullmann comparisons, and check the chapter's judgments.
Implementation notes #
- A situation is identified with the plurality the nucleus holds of, so the
nucleus proposition for
xisSet.Ici x; this builds in the distributivity the chapter's entailments assume (John likes Mary and Betty entails John likes Mary). - The plurality implicature of a plural wh is a stated felicity condition
(
Felicitous), not part of Ans-D, as in the chapter.
TODO #
- Chapters 3–6: the weak–strong distinction and mention-some answers, pair-list and functional answers, embedded and concealed questions, and weak islands through maximality are not formalized.
References #
- V. Dayal, Questions (2016)
- V. Dayal, Locality in WH quantification (1996)
- V. Dayal, Scope marking as indirect wh-dependency (1994)
- L. Karttunen, Syntax and semantics of questions (1977)
- I. Heim, Interrogative semantics and Karttunen's semantics for know (1994)
- J. Groenendijk and M. Stokhof, Studies on the semantics of questions (1984)
- S. Beck and H. Rullmann, A flexible approach to exhaustivity in questions (1999)
- M. Bittner, Cross-linguistic semantics for questions (1998)
- U. Lahiri, Questions and answers in embedded contexts (2002)
- D. Abusch, Presupposition triggering from alternatives (2010)
- L. Karttunen and S. Peters, What indirect questions conventionally implicate (1976)
- R. Sharvy, A more general theory of definite descriptions (1980)
- G. Link, The logical analysis of plurals and mass terms (1983)
- J. Hintikka, Knowledge and belief (1962)
Scope marking (34)–(37): the truth requirement leaves the denotation #
Equations
- Dayal2016.instDecidableEqPlace x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
A world fixes where Mary is and where John thinks she is.
Equations
Instances For
The nucleus of Where is Mary?: Mary is at x.
Equations
- Dayal2016.isAt x = {w : Dayal2016.World | w.1 = x}
Instances For
John's doxastic alternatives: the worlds where Mary is where he thinks she is.
Equations
- Dayal2016.believes = {p : Dayal2016.World × Dayal2016.World | p.2.1 = p.1.2}
Instances For
John thinks that q: the [Hin62] box over believes.
Equations
- Dayal2016.think q = {w : Dayal2016.World | ModalLogic.Box Dayal2016.believes (fun (x : Dayal2016.World) => x ∈ q) w}
Instances For
(36a): the Hamblin set of Where is Mary?.
Equations
- Dayal2016.whereMary = Set.range Dayal2016.isAt
Instances For
(34b): What does John think? Where is Mary? — the matrix question quantifies over
propositions with whereMary as its restriction, the indirect dependency.
Equations
Instances For
Mary is in Paris and John thinks she is in London.
Equations
Instances For
(36b)/(37c): the Karttunen set of Where is Mary? at w₀ keeps only the Paris member.
The true members of the scope-marked question at w₀: John's thought about London.
(35b): John thinks Mary is in London is a true answer although Mary is in Paris.
(36): composed from the Karttunen set instead, the question has no true member at w₀.
(37b): Ans-D returns John's thought about London.
Number (41)–(44), (63): singular which ranges over atoms #
(63): what a wh phrase ranges over — singular which N the atoms, plural which N and number-neutral who and what the whole domain.
Equations
- Dayal2016.domain Number.singular = {a : E | IsAtom a}
- Dayal2016.domain x✝ = {x : E | x ≠ ⊥}
Instances For
(44)/(63): the Hamblin set of which N / who does John like?: a situation is the
plurality John likes, so the member for x is Ici x.
Equations
- Dayal2016.hamblin n = Set.Ici '' Dayal2016.domain n
Instances For
The true members: the domain elements John likes, those below the situation.
The weak answer over a distributive nucleus names the sum of the true witnesses.
Polar questions with a wh phrase (51) #
(51): Does John like which woman/women? — each member of the Hamblin set and its negation.
Equations
- Dayal2016.polarWh n = Dayal2016.hamblin n ∪ compl '' Dayal2016.hamblin n
Instances For
(51b): with two women in the domain the singular polar-wh question has no strongest true member at any situation.
(51c): with two women in the domain the plural polar-wh question is answerable only when John likes everyone.
(52): the intersection answer names the liked plurality whatever the number of the wh phrase, so Beck and Rullmann's operator cannot see number.
Ans-D is defined at w iff the situation lies in the wh phrase's domain: exactly one
atom for a singular wh ((49), (65)), at least one for a plural or neutral one ((50), (66)).
(49c), (50c), (65b), (66b): the answer names the liked plurality.
The strongly exhaustive answer is the situation itself: Bill saw only w.
(65c), (66c): Ans-D/H returns only w.
Felicity (41)–(42), (65)–(66) #
A wh question is felicitous in situation w when Ans-D is defined and, for a plural
wh, the plurality implicature of its existential presupposition holds.
Equations
- Dayal2016.Felicitous n w = (Question.IsExhaustivelyResolvable (Dayal2016.hamblin n) w ∧ (n = Number.plural → ¬IsAtom w))
Instances For
(57a), (65)–(66): with no witness no wh question is felicitous; no one is not an answer but a denial of the presupposition.
Beck and Rullmann's intersection on scales (53) #
(53a)–(53b): on an upward scale (n eggs are sufficient holds at threshold t iff
t ≤ n) the member for the threshold is the strongest true member, and Ans-D agrees with the
intersection.
(53c)–(53d): on a downward scale (n people left holds at count c iff n ≤ c) the member
for the count is the strongest true member.
The chapter's women (44), (49)–(52), (65)–(66) #
Equations
- Dayal2016.instDecidableEqWoman x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
Equations
- Dayal2016.instFintypeWoman = { elems := { val := ↑Dayal2016.Woman.enumList, nodup := Dayal2016.Woman.enumList_nodup }, complete := Dayal2016.instFintypeWoman._proof_1 }
(49): John likes Mary, and the singular question is answered by John likes Mary.
(49): John likes Mary and Sue, and the singular question has no answer.
(50): John likes Mary and Betty, and the plural question is answered by the sum.
(50): with only Mary liked the plural question is answered, by an atom, and the plurality implicature fails.
(51): with Mary and Sue in the domain, the singular polar-wh question is never answerable and the plural one only where John likes everyone.
(52): Beck and Rullmann's intersection answers the singular question of (49) with John likes Mary and Sue, a member the singular Hamblin set lacks.
The chapter's judgments #
The wh phrase of a row.
Equations
- Dayal2016.number "singular" = some Number.singular
- Dayal2016.number "plural" = some Number.plural
- Dayal2016.number "neutral" = some Number.general
- Dayal2016.number x✝ = none
Instances For
The situation of a row, as the plurality liked or seen.
Equations
- Dayal2016.situation "none" = some ∅
- Dayal2016.situation "one" = some {Dayal2016.Woman.mary}
- Dayal2016.situation "two" = some {Dayal2016.Woman.mary, Dayal2016.Woman.sue}
- Dayal2016.situation x✝ = none
Instances For
Equations
- Dayal2016.instDecidableFelicitousSetWomanCoeFinset n s = decidable_of_iff ((n = Number.singular → s.card = 1) ∧ (n ≠ Number.singular → s ≠ ∅) ∧ (n = Number.plural → s.card ≠ 1)) ⋯
(41)–(42), (65)–(66): a question is acceptable in a situation iff the number of its wh phrase fits the plurality.
(57)–(59): the existential presupposition is denied only across speakers and suspended only without a cleft.