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Studies.Champollion2017

Champollion 2017: distributivity as a bridge between aspect and measurement #

Champollion's Parts of a Whole unifies predicative distributivity, atelicity and pseudopartitive measurement under one property, stratified reference: a predicate applies to an event that divides exhaustively into parts the predicate also applies to, along some dimension. The dimension varies, thematic roles for distributivity, run time for the for-adverbial and a measure for the pseudopartitive, while the property is defined once. Lexical cumulativity, which the book assumes throughout, entails Krifka's cumulativity, and atelicity along the run time is a Schwarzschild cover into parts with properly smaller run times. Against Krifka's subregion account of for-adverbials, the book's back-and-forth scenario has stratified reference and violates the subregion presupposition. The per-verb distributivity facts are meaning postulates, stated over the Fragment verbs' denotations.

Main definitions #

Main results #

Implementation notes #

References #

Stratified reference ([Cha17] eq. 16/17) #

def Champollion2017.StratifiedReference {α : Type u_1} {β : Type u_2} [SemilatticeSup α] (d : α → β) (γ : β → β → Prop) (P : α → Prop) (x : α) :

StratifiedReference d γ P x holds when x is a sum of P-parts whose images under the dimension d stand in the granularity relation γ to the image of x, the stratified reference of [Cha17] eq. (16) with the granularity of eq. (17) made binary.

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    Universal stratified reference #

    def Champollion2017.StratifiedReferenceUniv {α : Type u_1} {β : Type u_2} [SemilatticeSup α] (d : α → β) (γ : β → β → Prop) (P : α → Prop) :

    P has universal stratified reference along d at granularity γ when every P-entity has stratified reference.

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      Atomic granularity (shared γ) #

      def Champollion2017.AtomicGranularity {β : Type u_1} [PartialOrder β] :
      β → β → Prop

      Atomic granularity holds when the inner image is an atom of the dimension, the granularity of distributive reference along a thematic role.

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        Stratified Distributive StratifiedReference ([Cha17] eq. 24) #

        def Champollion2017.DistributiveReference {α : Type u_1} {β : Type u_2} [SemilatticeSup α] [PartialOrder β] (θ : α → β) (P : α → Prop) (x : α) :

        Stratified distributive reference is stratified reference whose dimension is a thematic role θ and whose granularity is Atom on the inner image, the outer being unused since atomicity is an absolute property ([Cha17] eq. (24)). It captures distributivity, as "The boys each saw a movie" distributes over atomic agents.

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          def Champollion2017.DistributiveReferenceUniv {α : Type u_1} {β : Type u_2} [SemilatticeSup α] [PartialOrder β] (θ : α → β) (P : α → Prop) :

          P has universal distributive reference when every P-entity distributes along θ.

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            Relational distributive reference (neo-Davidsonian roles) #

            Champollion's DistributiveReference takes a functional thematic role θ : α → Entity (the unique role-filler). linglib's neo-Davidsonian roles are relational, Entity → Event → Prop, Agent(a, e) — with thematic uniqueness available as Mereology.UP. RelationalDistributiveReference is the relational form, so the distributivity property composes directly with a ThematicFrame / Verb.denote without picking a role function. It coincides with the functional form on a role's graph (relationalDistributiveReference_graph).

            def Champollion2017.RelationalDistributiveReference {Entity : Type u_1} {α : Type u_2} [PartialOrder Entity] [SemilatticeSup α] (R : Entity → α → Prop) (P : α → Prop) (x : α) :

            Relational distributive reference takes the role to be a neo-Davidsonian relation R and counts a part when it has an atomic R-filler.

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              def Champollion2017.RelationalDistributiveReferenceUniv {Entity : Type u_1} {α : Type u_2} [PartialOrder Entity] [SemilatticeSup α] (R : Entity → α → Prop) (P : α → Prop) :

              P has universal relational distributive reference when every P-element distributes along R.

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                theorem Champollion2017.relationalDistributiveReference_mono {Entity : Type u_1} {α : Type u_2} [PartialOrder Entity] [SemilatticeSup α] {R : Entity → α → Prop} {P Q : α → Prop} (h : ∀ (x : α), P x → Q x) (x : α) :

                Relational distributive reference is monotone in the predicate.

                theorem Champollion2017.relationalDistributiveReference_graph {Entity : Type u_1} {α : Type u_2} [PartialOrder Entity] [SemilatticeSup α] {θ : α → Entity} {P : α → Prop} {x : α} :
                RelationalDistributiveReference (fun (a : Entity) (y : α) => θ y = a) P x ↔ DistributiveReference θ P x

                Along the graph of a functional role, relational distributive reference is the functional DistributiveReference.

                Stratified Subinterval StratifiedReference ([Cha17] eq. 38) #

                def Champollion2017.SubintervalGranularity {T : Type u_1} [LinearOrder T] (inner outer : NonemptyInterval T) :

                Proper-subinterval granularity holds when the inner run time is a proper subinterval of the outer one.

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                  def Champollion2017.SubintervalReference {T : Type u_1} {E : Type u_2} [LinearOrder T] [Event.TemporalTrace E T] [SemilatticeSup E] (P : E → Prop) (e : E) :

                  Stratified subinterval reference is stratified reference whose dimension is the runtime τ and whose granularity is proper subinterval, so SubintervalReference P e holds iff e can be built from P-parts with runtimes properly included in τ e ([Cha17] eq. (38)). It captures atelicity, the predicates compatible with for-adverbials having subinterval reference.

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                    def Champollion2017.SubintervalReferenceUniv {T : Type u_1} {E : Type u_2} [LinearOrder T] [Event.TemporalTrace E T] [SemilatticeSup E] (P : E → Prop) :

                    P has universal subinterval reference when every P-event has subinterval reference.

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                      Stratified Measurement StratifiedReference #

                      MeasurementReference is [Cha17]'s stratified measurement reference (his named property and abbreviation): Def 61 in the Ch 4 §4.6 unification, with final universal/restricted forms Defs 52–53 in Ch 7 §7.4, written as SR_{μ, λd.d < μ(x)} (thirty liters of water, five feet of snow, two degrees Celsius of global warming).

                      The strict-less-than granularity is Champollion's faithful translation
                      of [schwarzschild-2006]'s monotonic measure-function predicate
                      (Ch 7 eq. 8: `μ` is monotonic iff `a < b → μ(a) < μ(b)`), with the
                      extensive/intensive measure-function distinction ([krifka-1998])
                      reduced to whether the resulting measurement-reference presupposition
                      is satisfiable on the given substance noun.
                      
                      def Champollion2017.MeasurementReference {α : Type u_1} {β : Type u_2} [SemilatticeSup α] [Preorder β] (μ : α → β) (P : α → Prop) (x : α) :

                      Stratified measurement reference is stratified reference whose dimension is a measure function μ and whose granularity is strict less-than on the scale, so MeasurementReference μ P x holds iff x can be decomposed into P-parts with strictly smaller μ-values.

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                        def Champollion2017.MeasurementReferenceUniv {α : Type u_1} {β : Type u_2} [SemilatticeSup α] [Preorder β] (μ : α → β) (P : α → Prop) :

                        P has universal measurement reference when every P-entity has measurement reference along μ.

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                          Distributivity Constraint #

                          @[reducible, inline]
                          abbrev Champollion2017.DistributivityConstraint {α : Type u_1} {β : Type u_2} [SemilatticeSup α] (Map : α → β) (gran : β → β → Prop) (Share : α → Prop) (x : α) :

                          The Distributivity Constraint of [Cha17] accepts a distributive construction with share Share, map Map and granularity gran describing x exactly when the share has stratified reference along the map at that granularity. Adverbial each, for-adverbials and pseudopartitives differ only in the three parameters.

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                            Construction Instances #

                            @[reducible, inline]
                            abbrev Champollion2017.eachConstr {α : Type u_1} {β : Type u_2} [SemilatticeSup α] [PartialOrder β] (θ : α → β) (Share : α → Prop) (x : α) :

                            Adverbial each requires distributive reference along a thematic role.

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                              @[reducible, inline]
                              abbrev Champollion2017.forConstr {T : Type u_1} {E : Type u_2} [LinearOrder T] [Event.TemporalTrace E T] [SemilatticeSup E] (Share : E → Prop) (e : E) :

                              A for-adverbial requires its predicate to have subinterval reference.

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                                Key Theorems #

                                theorem Champollion2017.stratifiedReferenceUniv_entails_restricted {α : Type u_1} {β : Type u_2} [SemilatticeSup α] {d : α → β} {γ : β → β → Prop} {P : α → Prop} (h : StratifiedReferenceUniv d γ P) {x : α} (hx : P x) :

                                StratifiedReferenceUniv entails StratifiedReference for any specific element.

                                theorem Champollion2017.stratifiedReference_trivial_granularity {α : Type u_1} {β : Type u_2} [SemilatticeSup α] {d : α → β} {P : α → Prop} :
                                StratifiedReferenceUniv d (fun (x x_1 : β) => True) P

                                Predicates have stratified reference for trivial granularity, since every P x is its own base-case stratum when γ is vacuously true.

                                theorem Champollion2017.distributiveReference_mono {α : Type u_1} {β : Type u_2} [SemilatticeSup α] [PartialOrder β] {θ : α → β} {P Q : α → Prop} (h : ∀ (x : α), P x → Q x) (x : α) :

                                Distributive reference is monotone in the predicate.

                                theorem Champollion2017.stratifiedReference_mono {α : Type u_1} {β : Type u_2} [SemilatticeSup α] {d : α → β} {γ : β → β → Prop} {P Q : α → Prop} (h : ∀ (x : α), P x → Q x) (x : α) :

                                Stratified reference is monotone in the predicate, for any dimension and granularity.

                                theorem Champollion2017.stratifiedReference_of_refl_granularity {α : Type u_1} {β : Type u_2} [SemilatticeSup α] {d : α → β} {γ : β → β → Prop} (hRefl : ∀ (b : β), γ b b) {P : α → Prop} {x : α} (hx : P x) :

                                Under a reflexive granularity every P-element has stratified reference, by the base case.

                                theorem Champollion2017.stratifiedReference_join {α : Type u_1} {β : Type u_2} [SemilatticeSup α] [SemilatticeSup β] (d : SupHom α β) {γ : β → β → Prop} (hMono : ∀ (a b₁ b₂ : β), γ a b₁ → b₁ ≤ b₂ → γ a b₂) {P : α → Prop} {x y : α} (hx : StratifiedReference (⇑d) γ P x) (hy : StratifiedReference (⇑d) γ P y) :
                                StratifiedReference (⇑d) γ P (x ⊔ y)

                                Stratified reference is closed under join when the dimension preserves sums and the granularity is monotone in its outer argument.

                                Aspect Bridge (subinterval reference ↔ atelicity) #

                                theorem Champollion2017.forAdverbial_requires_subintervalReference {T : Type u_1} {E : Type u_2} [LinearOrder T] [Event.TemporalTrace E T] [SemilatticeSup E] {P : E → Prop} (h_for_ok : SubintervalReferenceUniv P) (e : E) :

                                A for-adverbial requires subinterval reference, so John ran for an hour is felicitous and John arrived for an hour is not.

                                theorem Champollion2017.qua_incompatible_with_subintervalReference {T : Type u_1} {E : Type u_2} [LinearOrder T] [Event.TemporalTrace E T] [SemilatticeSup E] {P : E → Prop} (hQua : Mereology.QUA P) {e : E} (he : P e) (hSub : SubintervalReference P e) :
                                False

                                Quantization and subinterval reference are incompatible, since an event with subinterval reference has a proper part in the predicate.

                                for-Adverbial Compatibility #

                                def Champollion2017.forAdverbialMeaning {T : Type u_1} {E : Type u_2} [LinearOrder T] [Event.TemporalTrace E T] [SemilatticeSup E] (V : E → Prop) (duration : NonemptyInterval T) (e : E) :

                                V for δ holds of an event of V whose run time is δ and at which V has subinterval reference, [Cha17]'s entry for the for-adverbial, eq. (72).

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                                  theorem Champollion2017.in_adverbial_incompatible_with_subintervalReference {T : Type u_1} {E : Type u_2} [LinearOrder T] [Event.TemporalTrace E T] [SemilatticeSup E] {P : E → Prop} (hQua : Mereology.QUA P) {e₁ e₂ : E} (he₁ : P e₁) (_he₂ : P e₂) (_hne : e₁ ≠ e₂) :

                                  An in-adverbial, which requires quantization, is incompatible with subinterval reference.

                                  Verb distributivity #

                                  Whether a verb distributes over the atomic fillers of a thematic role is a property of its event denotation, not a feature it carries.

                                  def Verb.StratifiesOver {Entity : Type u_1} {E : Type u_2} [PartialOrder Entity] [SemilatticeSup E] (v : Verb) (V : Verb → E → Prop) (R : Entity → E → Prop) :

                                  A verb stratifies over the atomic fillers of role R when the event predicate that the interpretation V assigns it has relational stratified distributive reference along R.

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                                    §2.7.2 algebraic substrate #

                                    def Champollion2017.LexicallyCumulative {α : Type u_1} [SemilatticeSup α] (P : α → Prop) :

                                    A predicate is lexically cumulative when it is a fixed point of the algebraic closure operator.

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                                      theorem Champollion2017.lexicallyCumulative_imp_cum {α : Type u_1} [SemilatticeSup α] {P : α → Prop} (h : LexicallyCumulative P) :

                                      Lexical cumulativity entails Krifka's CUM (closure under binary join).

                                      Distributivity as meaning postulates #

                                      The book's per-verb distributivity facts are lexical meaning postulates in Hoeksema's sense, not theorems; they are stated here over the Fragment verbs' denotations.

                                      structure Champollion2017.ChampollionPostulates {Entity : Type u_1} {E : Type u_2} [PartialOrder Entity] [SemilatticeSup E] (V : Verb → E → Prop) (agentRole themeRole : Entity → E → Prop) :

                                      ChampollionPostulates records the book's postulates on the distributivity of verbs, over an interpretation V of the fragment's verbs as event predicates and the agent and theme roles. See distributes on both roles and kill on its theme only, since a member of the posse need not have killed anyone, and meet does not distribute on its agent.

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                                        Atelicity as a Schwarzschild cover (§5.4) #

                                        theorem Champollion2017.subintervalReference_iff_cover {T : Type u_1} {E : Type u_2} [LinearOrder T] [Event.TemporalTrace E T] [SemilatticeSup E] {P : E → Prop} {e : E} :
                                        SubintervalReference P e ↔ ∃ (parts : Finset E) (hne : parts.Nonempty), (∀ p ∈ parts, P p ∧ Event.τ p < Event.τ e) ∧ parts.sup' hne id = e

                                        A predicate P has stratified subinterval reference at e iff e is the sum of a finite Schwarzschild cover into proper-subinterval P-parts, the book's theorem at the runtime dimension.

                                        Aspect and space: the subregion and strata approaches (§6.3–6.4) #

                                        def Champollion2017.SubregionPresup {α : Type u_1} {T : Type u_2} [SemilatticeSup α] [PartialOrder T] (τ : α → T) (P : α → Prop) (e : α) :

                                        The subregion presupposition (28), which the chapter attributes to [Kri98]'s for-adverbial, holds when the event has a temporal part and every temporal part of it falls under the predicate.

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                                          theorem Champollion2017.stratifiedReference_of_divisiveness {α : Type u_1} {T : Type u_2} [SemilatticeSup α] [PartialOrder T] {τ : α → T} {P : α → Prop} (hτ : Monotone τ) {a b : α} (hov : ¬Mereology.Overlap (τ a) (τ b)) (ha : ¬IsBot (τ a)) (hb : ¬IsBot (τ b)) (hdiv : ∀ (e' : α), Krifka1998.IsTemporalPart τ e' (a ⊔ b) → P e') :
                                          StratifiedReference τ (fun (x1 x2 : T) => x1 < x2) P (a ⊔ b)

                                          On an event that splits into two parts with non-overlapping, non-null runtimes, the divisiveness clause of the subregion presupposition yields stratified reference along the runtime: the two parts are each other's temporal siblings, so both fall under the predicate, and each has a properly smaller runtime.

                                          @[reducible, inline]

                                          The back-and-forth scenario has four trips of two legs each, a leg at each instant, the even legs from the lot halfway to the store and the odd legs on to the store. An event is a set of legs and its runtime the set of their instants.

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                                            push carts all the way to the store holds of a nonempty event whose path reaches the store, that is, one containing a leg on to the store.

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                                              theorem Champollion2017.pushCarts_stratified :
                                              StratifiedReference id (fun (x1 x2 : Finset Leg) => x1 ⊂ x2) PushCartsToStore Finset.univ

                                              The fifty-minute event divides along time into its four trips, each of which reaches the store within a proper part of the runtime: the strata-based account admits the for-adverbial (Figure 6.2a).

                                              The halfway legs form a temporal part of the event that does not reach the store, the offending event of §6.4.1, so the subregion presupposition fails (Figure 6.2b).