Documentation

Studies.Blutner2000

Blutner (2000): Some aspects of optimality in natural language interpretation #

Blutner evaluates form-meaning pairs from the speaker's and the hearer's side at once (Pragmatics/Bidirectional.lean). His schematic tableaux pit an unmarked against a marked form and a stereotypical against a marked situation, under a constraint F against marked forms and a constraint C against marked situations. The results below hold for every harmony strictly monotone in the two markedness orders, so for either ranking of F and C, which the paper leaves open. Strong bidirection blocks the marked form in every interpretation and yields Horn's division of pragmatic labour only when the generator stipulates it; weak bidirection derives it.

For presupposition projection, AvoidA counts accommodated markers and BeStrong prefers stronger outcomes. Ranked in that order they select global accommodation when no binder is available, binding when the antecedent supplies one, and, where global accommodation is unavailable, the stronger local reading over the higher intermediate site that van der Sandt's and Geurts's preference would choose. The Q-principle blocks accommodation when a non-triggering alternative expresses the same outcome.

Main statements #

Implementation notes #

TODO #

References #

Total blocking and the division of pragmatic labour #

The schematic tableaux (7), (9), (10) and (12): an unmarked and a marked form, such as kill and cause to die, and a stereotypical and a marked situation.

The unmarked and the marked form.

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    def Blutner2000.instReprForm.repr :
    Form → ℕ → Std.Format
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      The stereotypical and the marked situation.

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        def Blutner2000.instReprSituation.repr :
        Situation → ℕ → Std.Format
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          The violations of F, the constraint against marked forms.

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            The violations of C, the constraint against marked situations.

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              theorem Blutner2000.strictMono_profile_markedness :
              StrictMono (BidirectionalOT.profile [fun (x : Form × Situation) => x.1.markedness, fun (x : Form × Situation) => x.2.markedness]) ∧ StrictMono (BidirectionalOT.profile [fun (x : Form × Situation) => x.2.markedness, fun (x : Form × Situation) => x.1.markedness])

              The paper introduces no ranking between F and C, and none is needed, since the tableau under either ranking is strictly monotone in markedness, which is all the results below assume.

              The iconic pairing matches the unmarked form with the stereotypical situation and the marked form with the marked one, an isomorphism of the two markedness orders.

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                theorem Blutner2000.strong_total_blocking {α : Type u_1} [Preorder α] {f : Form × Situation → α} {G : Set (Form × Situation)} (hf : StrictMono f) (hu : (Form.unmarked, Situation.stereotypical) ∈ G) (hm : (Form.marked, Situation.stereotypical) ∈ G) :

                Strong bidirection blocks the marked form in every interpretation on any generator in which both forms can express the stereotypical situation, keeping only the unmarked form in its stereotypical reading. This covers the full generator (7) and the one that restricts the unmarked form to the stereotypical situation (9).

                Strong bidirection pairs the marked form with the marked situation iff the generator excludes both mixed pairs: the only way to the division of labour under the strong version is to stipulate it in the generator, as in (10).

                theorem Blutner2000.weak_division_of_labour {α : Type u_1} [Preorder α] {f : Form × Situation → α} (hf : StrictMono f) :

                Weak bidirection derives the division of pragmatic labour (12), pairing the unmarked form with the stereotypical situation and the marked form with the marked one. The paper credits the general proof to Jäger; it is superoptimalSet_eq_graphOn.

                theorem Blutner2000.strongOptimalSet_ssubset_superoptimalSet {α : Type u_1} [Preorder α] {f : Form × Situation → α} (hf : StrictMono f) :

                The weak version admits the marked pair the strong version blocks.

                Presupposition projection #

                A conditional "if p then q" whose consequent presupposes r, with the presupposition resolved locally, at the antecedent or globally (15), (16). The form is fixed, so each competition is an I-principle competition among the resolutions.

                The sites at which the presupposition can be resolved.

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                    The antecedent p, the consequent q and the presupposition r.

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                      A world fixes the truth of the three atoms.

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                        The proposition expressed with the presupposition resolved at the site.

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                          def Blutner2000.ProjectionSite.outcome (worlds : Finset World) (s : ProjectionSite) :
                          Finset World

                          The outcome of resolving at the site, the worlds of the context where its projection holds.

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                            def Blutner2000.harmony (avoidA : ProjectionSite → ℕ) (worlds : Finset World) (p : Unit × ProjectionSite) :
                            Lex (ℕ × Finset World)

                            The harmony of AvoidA ≫ BeStrong compares the number of accommodated markers, then the outcome, a stronger outcome being more harmonic.

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                              def Blutner2000.instDecidableLTLexProdNatFinsetWorld :
                              DecidableLT (Lex (ℕ × Finset World))
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                                "If Peter has a dog, then his cat is gray" (15), (17) #

                                No binder is available, so every site accommodates Peter's cat and BeStrong decides.

                                In (17) the global outcome is the strongest and the intermediate one the weakest.

                                "If Peter has a cat, then his cat is gray" (16), (18) #

                                The antecedent is the presupposition, so the intermediate site binds Peter's cat.

                                The worlds of the cat conditional, where the antecedent is the presupposition.

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                                  Only the intermediate site binds the presupposition.

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                                    In (18) the global outcome is stronger than the intermediate one, and the local and intermediate outcomes coincide, as the paper's footnote notes.

                                    "Every team member will come to the match in her car" (19), (20) #

                                    Global accommodation would leave the bound marker free, so only the local and intermediate sites compete, and both accommodate. Strength selects the local reading, "every team member owns a car and will come in it", where a preference for the higher site selects the intermediate reading, "every team member who owns a car will come in it".

                                    The resolutions of a presupposition with a bound marker.

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                                      The depth of a site below the main context, which the higher-site preference minimizes.

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                                        Accommodation blocked by the Q-principle (22) #

                                        "He had an accident. A car hit him." against "He had an accident. ??The car hit him.": from a context neutral about cars both continuations have the same outcome, but only the definite accommodates.

                                        The presuppositional definite and its non-triggering indefinite alternative.

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                                          def Blutner2000.instReprArticle.repr :
                                          Article → ℕ → Std.Format
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                                            def Blutner2000.accidentAvoidA :
                                            Article × Unit → ℕ

                                            AvoidA penalizes the definite, which accommodates the car, and not the indefinite, which introduces it.

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                                              The blocking is a Q-principle effect: a form with the same outcome needs no accommodation.