Documentation

Linglib.Typology.Phonology

Phonological typology — WALS substrate (Chapters 1–19) #

@cite{dryer-haspelmath-2013} @cite{maddieson-2013} @cite{goedemans-van-der-hulst-2013}

Theory-neutral phonological-typology substrate distilled from WALS Chapters 1–19, in the same Linglib/Typology/{Domain}.lean mould as Case.lean, WordOrder.lean, etc. Per-chapter enums + WALS converters + WALS aggregate distributional theorems.

Authorship attribution (NOT one paper) #

The 19 chapters are NOT all by Maddieson — the file's previous incarnation (Phenomena/Phonology/Typology.lean) cited only @cite{maddieson-2013}, which is an attribution error. Correct split:

Theory-laden chapters (acknowledged) #

This file is substrate in the sense that it just hosts WALS data; but several WALS chapters embed analytical commitments worth flagging:

These commitments are NOT removed at the substrate level — the substrate records what WALS encodes, with the commitments. Theory-side critique lives in study files (Hyman2006.lean, future work).

Featural double-coding (deferred) #

WALS Chs 7 (glottalized), 8 (lateral), 9 (velar nasal), 11 (front rounded) are inventory-presence claims that could derive from the featural substrate in Linglib/Theories/Phonology/Featural/Features.lean ([+constricted glottis], [+lateral], [+nasal, +dorsal], [+front, +round]) applied to a PHOIBLE inventory. Bridge theorems are deferred to Phenomena/Phonology/Studies/Maddieson2013.lean.

PHOIBLE 2.0 as the post-2019 successor for inventory facts #

Maddieson's UPSID-based methodology (~451 inventories) is the 1980s baseline WALS Ch 1–11/18–19 inherits. The field-canonical post-2019 successor is PHOIBLE 2.0 (@cite{moran-mccloy-2019}; ~3000 inventories with full IPA transcription + 37-feature decomposition), housed in Linglib/Data/PHOIBLE/. WALS partitions remain useful for cross-paper classification references; PHOIBLE provides the underlying inventories. Bridge theorems WALS↔PHOIBLE live in Phenomena/Phonology/Studies/Maddieson2013.lean.

Consonant inventory size (WALS Ch 1, @cite{maddieson-2013}).

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      Vowel quality inventory size (WALS Ch 2, @cite{maddieson-2013}).

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          Consonant-to-vowel ratio (WALS Ch 3, @cite{maddieson-2013}).

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              Voicing contrast in obstruents (WALS Ch 4, @cite{maddieson-2013}).

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                  Uvular consonant inventory (WALS Ch 6, @cite{maddieson-2013}).

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                      Glottalized consonant types (WALS Ch 7, @cite{maddieson-2013}). Could derive from Theories/Phonology/Featural/Features.lean [+constricted glottis] applied to a PHOIBLE inventory; bridge in Maddieson2013.lean.

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                          Lateral consonant inventory (WALS Ch 8, @cite{maddieson-2013}). Featural duplicate of [+lateral].

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                              Velar nasal status (WALS Ch 9, @cite{maddieson-2013}). Featural duplicate of [+nasal, +dorsal].

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                                  Nasal vowel contrast type in West Africa (WALS Ch 10B, @cite{maddieson-2013}). Areal sub-feature of Ch 10A.

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                                      Front rounded vowel inventory (WALS Ch 11, @cite{maddieson-2013}). Featural duplicate of [+front, +round].

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                                          Syllable structure complexity (WALS Ch 12, @cite{maddieson-2013}). Operationalised as max onset/coda length; commits to syllable-as-unit.

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                                              Tone system type (WALS Ch 13, @cite{maddieson-2013}). Theory-laden: defines tone by level-inventory size, which Hyman 2006 explicitly challenges (functional definition: "pitch enters lexical realisation"). Substrate records WALS as-is; functional-tone work projects via Phenomena/Tone/Studies/Hyman2006.lean.

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                                                  Fixed stress location (WALS Ch 14, @cite{goedemans-van-der-hulst-2013}). StressTyp framework: presupposes obligatory metrical heads.

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                                                      Weight-sensitive stress pattern (WALS Ch 15A, @cite{goedemans-van-der-hulst-2013}). Sub-feature of Ch 14A.

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                                                          Weight factor in weight-sensitive stress (WALS Ch 16A, @cite{goedemans-van-der-hulst-2013}). Sub-feature of Ch 14A.

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                                                              Rhythmic type (WALS Ch 17, @cite{goedemans-van-der-hulst-2013}).

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                                                                  Missing common consonants (WALS Ch 18, @cite{maddieson-2013}).

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                                                                      Presence of uncommon consonants (WALS Ch 19, @cite{maddieson-2013}).

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                                                                          Ch 13: More languages lack tone than have it, but tonal languages are a substantial minority. (Maddieson's level-counting partition; Hyman 2006 would aggregate simple + complex differently.)

                                                                          Ch 17: Trochaic rhythm is overwhelmingly dominant among languages with rhythmic stress. Caveat: WALS-coding artefact noted by Hayes 1995 (uneven trochees inflate the trochaic count).

                                                                          Ch 18: The vast majority of languages have all common consonants (bilabials, fricatives, nasals).

                                                                          Ch 10B: Half of the surveyed West African languages lack nasal vowel contrasts entirely.

                                                                          Ch 15A: Fixed stress (no weight-sensitivity) is the majority pattern.