PIP Compositional Operations #
@cite{abney-keshet-2025}
Compositional building blocks for PIP beyond the core formula language PIPExprF.
Where PIPExprF gives truth and felicity for formulas (type t), this file defines
operations whose output is a set of individuals (type e): sigma evaluation
(Σxφ), set-based generalized quantifiers (EVERY/SOME), three-argument modals with
explicit modal bases, the FX type-lifting operation for restricted variables, and
the simple/summation pronoun distinction.
These operations correspond to the Glossa paper's enrichment of the S&P formulation (@cite{keshet-abney-2024}), making PIP's set-based compositional interface explicit.
Key Design Decision #
Sigma evaluation produces a Set D, not a PIPExprF W D. This is because Σxφ
denotes the set of satisfiers of φ (a semantic object of type e), not a truth
value (type t). It is therefore defined externally from the PIPExprF inductive
type and connected to it via bridge theorems.
Sigma evaluation: Σxφ = {d ∈ D | ⟦φ(d)⟧^w = 1}.
Collects all individuals satisfying a formula body at a given world.
The output is a Set D (type e), not a formula (type t). This is the
fundamental bridge between PIP's formula language and its set-based
compositional interface.
This is the static analogue of PIP.Basic.summationFiltered, which
performs the same collection on the dynamic IContext level. Agreement
between the two is part of the static↔dynamic correspondence.
Equations
- Semantics.PIP.sigmaEval body w = {d : D | (body d).truth w = true}
Instances For
∃xφ is true iff the sigma set is nonempty.
∀xφ is true iff every individual is in the sigma set.
Σx(φ ∧ ψ) = Σxφ ∩ Σxψ.
Σx(φ ∨ ψ) = Σxφ ∪ Σxψ.
Σx(¬φ) = (Σxφ)ᶜ.
Σx(⊤) = D (everything satisfies a tautology).
Σx(⊥) = ∅ (nothing satisfies a contradiction).
Label definitions are truth-transparent for sigma.
Presuppositions are truth-transparent for sigma.
EVERY(R, S) = R ⊆ S. Universal quantification as set inclusion.
Equations
- Semantics.PIP.setEvery R S = (R ⊆ S)
Instances For
SOME(R, S) = (R ∩ S).Nonempty. Existential quantification as intersection.
Equations
- Semantics.PIP.setSome R S = (R ∩ S).Nonempty
Instances For
EVERY is downward monotone in its first argument.
EVERY is upward monotone in its second argument.
SOME is upward monotone in its first argument.
SOME is upward monotone in its second argument.
EVERY over sigma sets ↔ pointwise universal implication.
SOME over sigma sets ↔ pointwise existential conjunction.
MUST(β, W₁, W₂) = β ∩ W₁ ⊆ W₂.
Three-argument necessity: the modal base β restricted by W₁ is included in W₂. When W₁ = ⊤, reduces to β ⊆ W₂.
The modal base β corresponds to accessRelToBase R w for an
BAccessRel W from Core.Logic.Intensional. PIP.Connectives.must
provides the dynamic implementation; must_truth_iff_mustBase below
bridges the static PIPExprF.must to this set-based formulation.
Cf. Theories.Semantics.Modality.Kratzer.simpleNecessity for the
Kratzerian analogue (monomorphic over World).
Equations
- Semantics.PIP.mustBase β W₁ W₂ = (β ∩ W₁ ⊆ W₂)
Instances For
MIGHT(β, W₁, W₂) = (β ∩ W₁ ∩ W₂).Nonempty.
Three-argument possibility: some world in the modal base satisfying W₁ also satisfies W₂.
Equations
- Semantics.PIP.mightBase β W₁ W₂ = (β ∩ W₁ ∩ W₂).Nonempty
Instances For
Tautological restriction: MUST(β, ⊤, W₂) ↔ β ⊆ W₂.
MUST as a set-based GQ: MUST(β, W₁, W₂) ↔ EVERY(β ∩ W₁, W₂).
MIGHT as a set-based GQ: MIGHT(β, W₁, W₂) ↔ SOME(β ∩ W₁, W₂).
If the actual world is in the modal base and restriction, MUST forces the consequent at the actual world.
Convert an accessibility relation to a modal base at world w.
Equations
- Semantics.PIP.accessRelToBase R w = {w' : W | R w w' = true}
Instances For
PIPExprF.must R φ truth agrees with three-argument mustBase.
PIPExprF.might R φ truth agrees with three-argument mightBase.
FX (↑f): lift a thematic-role predicate into a formula modifier.
↑f = λφλx. f(x) ∧ φ (base case, when f : ⟨e, t⟩)
Given a predicate f : D → W → Bool (e.g., AGENT, PATIENT),
fxApply f φ x conjoins f(x) with formula φ, producing a
restricted variable: x is constrained to satisfy both f and φ.
This implements the base case of the paper's recursive ↑-lifting.
The recursive case (for multi-argument predicates like ⟨e, ⟨e, t⟩⟩)
applies ↑ to each curried application. Iterated application via
fxApply_twice captures the effect for two-argument roles.
Cf. Theories.Semantics.ArgumentStructure.ThematicRel for the
general Davidsonian role type Entity → Event → Prop; FX is PIP's
mechanism for composing such roles with restricted variables.
Equations
- Semantics.PIP.fxApply f φ x w = (f x w && φ w)
Instances For
FX entails the role predicate.
FX entails the formula body.
FX with tautological formula: ↑f(⊤)(x) = f(x).
Summation Pronouns #
The paper distinguishes simple pronouns (type e: a single variable x
with presupposition SG(x)) from summation pronouns (type e: ΣxX with
presupposition PL(ΣxX)). The key insight: the semantic denotation of a
summation pronoun IS sigmaEval — the exhaustive set of all satisfiers.
The simple/summation distinction is structural (syntactic tree shape)
and presuppositional (SG vs PL), not truth-conditional.
Concretely:
- Simple pronoun: she_x = x | FEM(x) ∧ SG(x)
- Summation pronoun: they^X_x = ΣxX | PL(ΣxX)
Both resolve to sigma sets for the pronoun's descriptive content.
The presuppositional difference (SG for singularity, PL for plurality)
is handled by PIP.Bridges.single and PIP.Bridges.plural.
No separate summPronounDenot definition is needed: summation pronoun
denotation = sigmaEval by the paper's own analysis.
Sigma is monotone: stronger body conditions produce smaller sets.
Quantificational subordination: if ψ extends φ with additional conditions, then Σx(φ ∧ ψ) ⊆ Σxφ. This is the set-theoretic foundation of cross-sentential anaphora through label-subordinated quantification.
When a subordinate quantifier's restriction φ ∧ ψ includes the main quantifier's restrictor φ via a label, the subordinate sigma set is a subset of the main one.
Label definitions don't affect subordination relationships.