Intensional Dynamic Semantics — Generic Substrate #
@cite{muskens-1996} @cite{stone-1999} @cite{brasoveanu-2006} @cite{hofmann-2025}
Generic infrastructure for dynamic semantics built over ICDRTAssignment
(individual drefs as IVar → W → Entity E plus propositional drefs as
PVar → Set W). This is a layer above Dynamic/Core/DiscourseRef.lean
(which owns the assignment type) and below paper-specific theories such as
@cite{hofmann-2025} (whose paper apparatus lives in
Phenomena/Anaphora/Studies/Hofmann2025.lean).
Main definitions #
| Layer | Names |
|---|---|
| Information state | IContext (set of assignment-world pairs), DynProp (context transformer) |
| Update relations | ICDRTUpdate, ICDRTUpdate.{seq, idUp, toDynProp} |
| Variable updates | propVarUp, indivVarUp, multiVarUp, relVarUp |
| Dynamic conditions | dynInclusion, dynIdentity, dynComplement, isComplement, dynUnion |
| Predication | dynPred, localEntailment |
| Veridicality typology | veridicalIndiv/Prop, counterfactualIndiv/Prop, hypotheticalIndiv/Prop, accessible, subsetReq |
| Static-to-dynamic bridge | fiberDRS, toDynProp_eq_lift_fiberDRS |
Architecture #
ICDRTUpdate W E ──fiberDRS──→ DRS (ICDRTAssignment W E × W) ──lift──→ CCP (... × W)
‖ ‖ ‖
DRS (Assign) DRS (Assign × World) DynProp W E
│ │ │
seq = dseq dseq (fiber level) CCP.seq
The factorization toDynProp = lift ∘ fiberDRS separates two concerns:
fiberDRS: embed assignment-only relations into pair relations (passive worlds)lift: convert relational meanings to set-transformer meanings
toDynProp is always distributive (corollary of lift_isDistributive).
This is the algebraic content of @cite{hofmann-2025}'s observation that
ICDRT-style negation via propositional dref complementation stays
distributive — unlike test-based dynamic negation that inspects whole
states.
Notation for individual variable lookup
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Notation for propositional variable lookup
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Set of assignment-world pairs (information state in flat update).
Kept as abbrev so it inherits Set α's Membership,
EmptyCollection, HasSubset, Union, Inter, and Singleton
instances (and the corresponding Set API) directly.
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- Semantics.Dynamic.Core.IContext W E = Set (Semantics.Dynamic.Core.ICDRTAssignment W E × W)
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The trivial context (all possibilities)
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- Semantics.Dynamic.Core.IContext.univ = Set.univ
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The absurd context (no possibilities)
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Context is consistent (non-empty)
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- c.consistent = Set.Nonempty c
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Worlds in the context (projection)
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- c.worlds = {w : W | ∃ (g : Semantics.Dynamic.Core.ICDRTAssignment W E), (g, w) ∈ c}
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Update with a world-predicate
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- c⟦p⟧ = {gw : Semantics.Dynamic.Core.ICDRTAssignment W E × W | gw ∈ c ∧ p gw.2}
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Update with an assignment-world predicate
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- c.updateFull p = {gw : Semantics.Dynamic.Core.ICDRTAssignment W E × W | gw ∈ c ∧ p gw.1 gw.2}
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Context-to-context transformer (sentence denotation).
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Lift a classical proposition to a context filter.
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Static update relation between input and output assignments.
Following @cite{muskens-1996}'s Compositional DRT, dynamic updates are
relations between assignments rather than operations on sets of
assignment-world pairs. The lift to context transformers is done by
toDynProp below.
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Sequencing (;): relational composition.
(D₁ ; D₂)(i)(j) ↔ ∃k, D₁(i)(k) ∧ D₂(k)(j)
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- (D₁ ⨟ D₂) i j = ∃ (k : Semantics.Dynamic.Core.ICDRTAssignment W E), D₁ i k ∧ D₂ k j
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Identity update: output equals input.
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- Semantics.Dynamic.Core.ICDRTUpdate.idUp i j = (i = j)
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An update is successful from i if some output j exists.
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- D.successful i = ∃ (j : Semantics.Dynamic.Core.ICDRTAssignment W E), D i j
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Lift a static update relation to a context update on information states.
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- D.toDynProp c = {p : Semantics.Dynamic.Core.ICDRTAssignment W E × W | ∃ (i : Semantics.Dynamic.Core.ICDRTAssignment W E), (i, p.2) ∈ c ∧ D i p.1}
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Sequential composition lifts to function composition on contexts.
Propositional variable update: j differs from i at most in the value of p.
i[p]j
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- Semantics.Dynamic.Core.propVarUp p i j = ((∀ (q : Semantics.Dynamic.Core.PVar), q ≠ p → j⟦q⟧ₚ = i⟦q⟧ₚ) ∧ ∀ (v : Semantics.Dynamic.Core.IVar), j⟦v⟧ᵢ = i⟦v⟧ᵢ)
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Individual variable update: j differs from i at most in the value of v.
i[v]j
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- Semantics.Dynamic.Core.indivVarUp v i j = ((∀ (p : Semantics.Dynamic.Core.PVar), j⟦p⟧ₚ = i⟦p⟧ₚ) ∧ ∀ (u : Semantics.Dynamic.Core.IVar), u ≠ v → j⟦u⟧ᵢ = i⟦u⟧ᵢ)
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Multi-variable update: j differs from i at most in the listed prop/indiv vars.
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Relative variable update: i[φ : v]j.
j differs from i at most in v, AND for every world w,
φ(j)(w) ↔ v(j)(w) ≠ ⋆.
The biconditional (not just implication) is crucial: it ensures that
v has a referent in all and only the φ-worlds, preventing drefs under
negation from having global referents. Following @cite{hofmann-2025}
Definition 25.
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- Semantics.Dynamic.Core.relVarUp φ v i j = (Semantics.Dynamic.Core.indivVarUp v i j ∧ ∀ (w : W), w ∈ j⟦φ⟧ₚ ↔ (j⟦v⟧ᵢ) w ≠ Semantics.Dynamic.Core.Entity.star)
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Dynamic identity: α(i) = β(i).
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- Semantics.Dynamic.Core.dynIdentity α β i = (i⟦α⟧ₚ = i⟦β⟧ₚ)
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Dynamic complementation: set-theoretic complement of a propositional dref.
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- Semantics.Dynamic.Core.dynComplement φ i = (i⟦φ⟧ₚ)ᶜ
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Condition: φ₁ is the complement of φ₂ at state i.
The negation condition φ₁ ≡ φ̄₂.
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Dynamic union: φ₁(i) ∪ φ₂(i).
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- Semantics.Dynamic.Core.dynUnion φ₁ φ₂ i = i⟦φ₁⟧ₚ ∪ i⟦φ₂⟧ₚ
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Dynamic predication: R_φ(v).
A unary predicate R interpreted relative to a propositional dref φ
(the local context):
R_φ(v) := λi. ∀w.(φ(i)(w) → R(v(i)(w))(w))
Holds when the predicate R applies to v's referent in every world
of the local context φ. The universal falsifier ⋆ never satisfies
R, so a ⋆-valued referent in any φ-world makes dynPred fail.
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- Semantics.Dynamic.Core.dynPred R φ v i = ∀ w ∈ i⟦φ⟧ₚ, match (i⟦v⟧ᵢ) w with | Semantics.Dynamic.Core.Entity.some e => R e w | Semantics.Dynamic.Core.Entity.star => False
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Local contextual entailment: v has a defined referent throughout φ(i).
∀w.(φ(i)(w) → v(i)(w) ≠ ⋆_e)
A precondition for anaphora to v resolved in local context φ.
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- Semantics.Dynamic.Core.localEntailment φ v i = ∀ w ∈ i⟦φ⟧ₚ, (i⟦v⟧ᵢ) w ≠ Semantics.Dynamic.Core.Entity.star
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Predication entails existence: a successful predication of R to v
implies v(i)(w) ≠ ⋆.
Veridical individual dref: v has a referent in all φ_DC-worlds.
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- Semantics.Dynamic.Core.veridicalIndiv φ_DC v i = ∀ w ∈ i⟦φ_DC⟧ₚ, (i⟦v⟧ᵢ) w ≠ Semantics.Dynamic.Core.Entity.star
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Veridical propositional dref: φ_DC(i) ⊆ δ(i).
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- Semantics.Dynamic.Core.veridicalProp φ_DC δ i = (i⟦φ_DC⟧ₚ ⊆ i⟦δ⟧ₚ)
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Counterfactual individual dref: v maps to ⋆ in all φ_DC-worlds.
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- Semantics.Dynamic.Core.counterfactualIndiv φ_DC v i = ∀ w ∈ i⟦φ_DC⟧ₚ, (i⟦v⟧ᵢ) w = Semantics.Dynamic.Core.Entity.star
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Counterfactual propositional dref: φ_DC(i) ∩ δ(i) = ∅.
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- Semantics.Dynamic.Core.counterfactualProp φ_DC δ i = (i⟦φ_DC⟧ₚ ∩ i⟦δ⟧ₚ = ∅)
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Hypothetical individual dref: neither veridical nor counterfactual.
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- Semantics.Dynamic.Core.hypotheticalIndiv φ_DC v i = (¬Semantics.Dynamic.Core.veridicalIndiv φ_DC v i ∧ ¬Semantics.Dynamic.Core.counterfactualIndiv φ_DC v i)
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Hypothetical propositional dref: neither veridical nor counterfactual.
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- Semantics.Dynamic.Core.hypotheticalProp φ_DC δ i = (¬Semantics.Dynamic.Core.veridicalProp φ_DC δ i ∧ ¬Semantics.Dynamic.Core.counterfactualProp φ_DC δ i)
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Accessibility: v is accessible at the anaphor site φ_anaphor iff
it is locally entailed there and the discourse is consistent.
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- Semantics.Dynamic.Core.accessible φ_anaphor v φ_DC i = (Semantics.Dynamic.Core.localEntailment φ_anaphor v i ∧ i⟦φ_DC⟧ₚ.Nonempty)
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Subset requirement: indefinite at φ_antecedent can antecede pronoun at
φ_anaphor only when φ_anaphor(i) ⊆ φ_antecedent(i).
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- Semantics.Dynamic.Core.subsetReq φ_anaphor φ_antecedent i = (i⟦φ_anaphor⟧ₚ ⊆ i⟦φ_antecedent⟧ₚ)
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Generic declarative-assertion subset condition: φ_DC(j) ⊆ φ(j).
Definitionally identical to dynInclusion φ_DC φ j; kept as a
separate name because the speech-act literature reads it as
"the speaker's commitment set is updated to a subset of the
asserted content".
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- Semantics.Dynamic.Core.decCondition φ_DC φ j = (j⟦φ_DC⟧ₚ ⊆ j⟦φ⟧ₚ)
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A multi-agent discourse context: a current discourse state plus an assignment from interlocutors to commitment-set propositional variables.
Each interlocutor x has their own commitment-set dref dcVar x. This
is the multi-agent generalization of single-state dynamic semantics —
distinct interlocutors can carry contradictory commitments simultaneously
without making the discourse inconsistent.
- state : ICDRTAssignment W E
Current discourse state
- dcVar : Speaker → PVar
Map from interlocutors to their commitment-set propositional variables
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Discourse consistency: every interlocutor's commitment set is nonempty.
∀x ∈ INT, φ_{DC_x}(i) ≠ ∅
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- c.consistent = ∀ (x : Speaker), c.state⟦c.dcVar x⟧ₚ.Nonempty
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An update D is successful in context C iff some output assignment
exists.
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- c.updateSuccessful D = ∃ (j : Semantics.Dynamic.Core.ICDRTAssignment W E), D c.state j
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An update is acceptable iff it is successful AND leaves all commitment sets nonempty (preserves discourse consistency).
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- c.updateAcceptable D = ∃ (j : Semantics.Dynamic.Core.ICDRTAssignment W E), D c.state j ∧ ∀ (x : Speaker), j⟦c.dcVar x⟧ₚ.Nonempty
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Null assignment: every propositional dref maps to all worlds; every individual dref maps to ⋆ in every world. The "no information yet" state.
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Initial discourse context: null assignment, every commitment set equal to the full set of worlds.
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- Semantics.Dynamic.Core.DiscContext.initialContext dcVar = { state := Semantics.Dynamic.Core.DiscContext.nullAssignment, dcVar := dcVar }
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The initial context is always consistent.
Pragmatic maximization for commitment sets.
Output j is pragmatically privileged when no other possible output h
assigns a proper superset to any interlocutor's commitment-set dref:
max_DC(D)(i)(j) := D(i)(j) ∧ ∀h x. D(i)(h) → ¬(φ_{DC_x}(j) ⊊ φ_{DC_x}(h))
A formal articulation of the Gricean Quantity maxim: speakers commit to the strongest claim supported by the evidence.
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- Semantics.Dynamic.Core.pragMaxDC dcVar D i j = (D i j ∧ ∀ (h : Semantics.Dynamic.Core.ICDRTAssignment W E), D i h → ∀ (x : Speaker), ¬j⟦dcVar x⟧ₚ ⊂ h⟦dcVar x⟧ₚ)
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Propositional maximization: max_φ(D).
Restricts outputs to those where propositional dref φ is maximal — no
other successful output k assigns a proper superset to φ:
max_φ(D)(i)(j) := D(i)(j) ∧ ∀k. D(i)(k) → ¬(φ(j) ⊊ φ(k))
Used to ensure local contexts are as wide as the truth conditions allow, e.g. for the inner content of a negated existential.
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- Semantics.Dynamic.Core.propMaxOp φ D i j = (D i j ∧ ∀ (k : Semantics.Dynamic.Core.ICDRTAssignment W E), D i k → ¬j⟦φ⟧ₚ ⊂ k⟦φ⟧ₚ)
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Doxastic accessibility condition for an attitude verb's local context.
believe_φ'(δ^v) ≡ [φ' | DOX(δ,φ) ⊆ φ']
dox j returns the set of worlds compatible with the agent's beliefs
at assignment j; the condition asserts that φ' contains them.
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- Semantics.Dynamic.Core.believeCondition φ_belief dox j = (dox j ⊆ j⟦φ_belief⟧ₚ)
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Local entailment follows from relative variable update. The biconditional
in relVarUp (Definition 25ii) directly yields local contextual entailment
at the output assignment.
Veridical dref + DC-subsumed anaphor context + consistency → accessibility.
Counterfactual dref in veridical anaphor context → inaccessibility.
Double complementation collapses: φ₁ ≡ φ̄₂ and φ₃ ≡ φ̄₁ give φ₃ = φ₂.
Disjunction enables anaphora across disjuncts: if v is defined in all
φ₃-worlds and the anaphor's local context is contained in φ₃, then v
is locally entailed at the anaphor site.
Veridicality trichotomy: every individual dref is veridical, counterfactual, or hypothetical relative to any speaker.
Veridical and counterfactual are incompatible given a nonempty DC.
The universal falsifier blocks dynamic predication: if v maps to ⋆ at
some w ∈ φ, then R_φ(v) fails.
Subset condition + complementation derive counterfactuality of the
inner content. The shape DC ⊆ φ_outer ∧ φ_outer = φ̄_inner ⟹ DC ∩ φ_inner = ∅
is the core algebraic move that turns negation into commitment-set
counterfactuality (the recipe used by @cite{hofmann-2025}'s analysis of
"there isn't a bathroom").
Embed an assignment-only relation into a pair relation with passive worlds.
fiberDRS D (i, w) (j, w') ↔ w = w' ∧ D i j
ICDRT updates operate on assignments only and worlds are inert fibers.
fiberDRS makes this structure explicit at the type level of
DRS (ICDRTAssignment W E × W).
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- Semantics.Dynamic.Core.fiberDRS D (j, w') (j_1, w'_1) = (w' = w'_1 ∧ D j j_1)
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toDynProp = lift ∘ fiberDRS: the static-to-dynamic bridge factors
through fiberwise embedding followed by relational image.
fiberDRS preserves identity.
fiberDRS is a monoid homomorphism (ICDRTUpdate, seq, idUp) → (DRS, dseq, id).
toDynProp D is always distributive: it processes each
assignment-world pair independently. Corollary of lift_isDistributive.
A test update — one that preserves the assignment — lifts to an eliminative CCP: it can only shrink the context, never grow it.
The DEC condition lifts to an eliminative CCP: assertion narrows the context (removes worlds from the commitment set).
ICDRT-style negation via complementation stays distributive — unlike test-based dynamic negation that inspects the whole input state.
Round-trip: lowering the CCP back to a relation recovers the fiberwise
embedding. Combined with lower_lift, this shows no information is lost
in the fiberDRS/lift factorization.
toDynProp preserves sequential composition — algebraic derivation via
fiberDRS_seq + lift_dseq.
toDynProp preserves identity — algebraic derivation via fiberDRS_idUp.
Register ICDRTAssignment W E as an instance of the abstract
Dynamic.Context typeclass family. With these instances, every
predicate and theorem in Dynamic.Context (e.g.
counterfactual_blocks_veridical, multi_counterfactual_blocks_veridical)
applies to ICDRT contexts without re-proof.
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The generic Dynamic.Context.localEntailment agrees definitionally
with the concrete localEntailment on ICDRT.
The generic Dynamic.Context.veridicalIndiv agrees definitionally
with the concrete veridicalIndiv on ICDRT.
The generic Dynamic.Context.subsetReq agrees definitionally with
the concrete subsetReq on ICDRT.
The generic Dynamic.Context.decCondition agrees definitionally
with the concrete decCondition on ICDRT.
Hofmann's relVarUp agrees with the generic
Dynamic.Context.relVarUp (modulo set-extensionality on the
biconditional). The cross-field operation is a definition over the
basic typeclass operations, not a separate axiom.