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Linglib.Theories.Semantics.Degree.Differential

Differential Comparative Semantics #

@cite{schwarzschild-2005} @cite{solt-2015} @cite{winter-2005}

Compositional semantics for measure phrase differentials in comparatives: "3 inches taller", "twice as tall as".

Measure Phrase Composition #

@cite{schwarzschild-2005}: measure phrases modify the degree argument of the comparative, specifying the gap between matrix and standard degrees.

"A is 3 inches taller than B" iff height(A) - height(B) = 3 inches

This requires a ratio scale (with a meaningful zero point and unit), not just an ordinal or interval scale. Hence "3 inches taller" ✓ but "*3 units more beautiful" ✗.

def Semantics.Degree.Differential.differentialComparative {Entity : Type u_1} {D : Type u_2} [Sub D] (μ : EntityD) (a b : Entity) (diff : D) :

Differential comparative: "A is d-much Adj-er than B" iff the difference μ(A) - μ(B) = d.

Requires a type with subtraction (ring-like structure), not just ordering. This is what makes measure phrase differentials more restrictive than bare comparatives.

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    theorem Semantics.Degree.Differential.differential_positive_iff {Entity : Type u_1} (μ : Entity) (a b : Entity) (diff : ) (hdiff : 0 < diff) :
    differentialComparative μ a b diffμ b < μ a

    The differential is positive iff the comparative holds. Stated on ℚ; generalizing requires ordered-group machinery ([AddCommGroup D] [LinearOrder D] [IsStrictOrderedAddMonoid D]) that mathlib's current taxonomy splits across multiple unbundled classes — see e.g. Mathlib/Algebra/Order/Field/Defs.lean for the analogous LinearOrderedField → Field + LinearOrder + IsStrictOrderedRing migration. Consumers (Intensional, VonStechow1984) instantiate at ℚ.

    Measurement level: what kind of scale an adjective's degrees live on. Measure phrase differentials require at least interval scale; factor phrases require ratio scale.

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        def Semantics.Degree.Differential.factorEquative {Entity : Type u_1} {D : Type u_2} [Mul D] (μ : EntityD) (a b : Entity) (factor : D) :

        Factor phrase equative: "A is n times as tall as B" iff μ(A) = n × μ(B). Requires ratio scale: a meaningful zero point.

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          Extensive measurement level: a ratio scale that additionally permits cross-dimensional comparison. Spatial extent is the canonical example: height, width, length, and depth all map onto the same underlying extensive scale (cm, inches, etc.), so "the ladder is shorter than the house is high" is meaningful.

          @cite{buring-2007} (p. 2, footnote 2): "spatial extent is the only scale I know of that has measurements in different dimensions mapped onto it." This makes cross-polar nomalies possible — they require comparing two different measure functions on a shared scale.

          Temperature (°C vs °F) has meaningful differences (interval) and no meaningful zero (not ratio). Beauty has only ordering (ordinal). Spatial extent has all three: ordering, differences, ratios, AND cross-dimensional commensurability.

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              Cross-dimensional comparison (subcomparative) requires extensive commensurability. Two measure functions μ₁, μ₂ must share a common extensive unit for "μ₁(a) > μ₂(b)" to be meaningful.

              This explains why "shorter than high" ✓ (both spatial extent), "??hotter than expensive" ✗ (temperature ≠ price).

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                Extensive scales admit everything lower scales do.

                Cross-dimensional comparison data: only spatial extent (extensive scale) licenses subcomparatives.

                • matrixAdj : String
                • embeddedAdj : String
                • sharedScale : String
                • acceptable : Bool
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