Quantified counterfactuals — projection-duality machinery #
@cite{ramotowska-marty-romoli-santorio-2025}
Extracted from Theories/Semantics/Conditionals/Counterfactual.lean
(was lines 217–492). Provides the projection-duality apparatus that
the @cite{ramotowska-marty-romoli-santorio-2025} study file uses to
predict the strength × CF embedding pattern.
Projection Duality: Why Strength Matters #
Quantifier strength corresponds to a fundamental duality in how semantic values project through operators:
Universal-like operators (every, no, □, ∧):
- Conjunctive projection: need all components to succeed
- Sensitive to negative witnesses (one failure ⇒ overall failure)
- Fragile under heterogeneity
Existential-like operators (some, not-every, ◇, ∨):
- Disjunctive projection: need one component to succeed
- Sensitive to positive witnesses (one success ⇒ overall success)
- Robust under heterogeneity
This duality manifests across natural-language semantics:
| Domain | Universal-like | Existential-like |
|---|---|---|
| Quantified counterfactuals | Reject on mixed | Accept on mixed |
| Presupposition projection | Filtering (universal) | Existential accomm. |
| Homogeneity | "The Xs P" needs all | "Some Xs P" needs one |
| Free Choice | □(A∨B) → □A∧□B | ◇(A∨B) → ◇A∧◇B |
| Monotonicity | Downward entailing | Upward entailing |
The selectional theory captures this because three-valued logic with supervaluation naturally implements this projection duality.
Quantifier Embedding #
The three counterfactual theories make different predictions when counterfactuals are embedded under quantifiers in mixed scenarios (some individuals satisfy the consequent, others don't):
| Sentence | Universal | Selectional | Homogeneity |
|---|---|---|---|
| Every d □→ | FALSE | FALSE | PRESUP FAIL |
| Some d □→ | FALSE | TRUE | PRESUP FAIL |
| No d □→ | TRUE | FALSE | PRESUP FAIL |
| Not every d □→ | TRUE | TRUE | PRESUP FAIL |
The universal and selectional theories agree on "every" and "not every" but DISAGREE on "some" and "no" — the discriminating contrast tested in @cite{ramotowska-marty-romoli-santorio-2025}.
Quantifier strength IS projection type. Strong quantifiers (every, no) use conjunctive projection; weak quantifiers (some, not-every) use disjunctive.
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Strong quantifiers use conjunctive projection.
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Weak quantifiers use disjunctive projection.
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Identity: projection type is already itself.
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- s.toProjection = s
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The Projection Duality Theorem.
For a list of three-valued results:
- Conjunctive projection: TRUE iff all TRUE, FALSE iff any FALSE
- Disjunctive projection: TRUE iff any TRUE, FALSE iff all FALSE
Implementation delegates to Core.Duality.aggregate, which computes
the meet (⋀) or join (⋁) in the Truth3 lattice via foldl.
Equations
- Semantics.Conditionals.Counterfactual.projectTruthValues proj results = Core.Duality.aggregate proj results
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Conjunctive projection is fragile: one false element yields false.
Disjunctive projection is robust: one true element yields true.
projectTruthValues and aggregate are the same operation.
The four embedded-quantifier operators #
Evaluate embedded counterfactual under a quantifier via projection. Strong quantifiers (every, no) use conjunctive projection; weak quantifiers (some, not every) use disjunctive projection.
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"No" quantifier: conjunctive projection over NEGATED individual results. "No X would V" = "Every X would NOT V".
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- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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"Not every" quantifier: disjunctive projection over NEGATED individual results. "Not every X would V" = "∃X. ¬(X would V)".
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- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
Selectional Theory: Embedded Determinacy #
@cite{ramotowska-marty-romoli-santorio-2025} §2.2.2: embedded selectional counterfactuals are DETERMINATE even though unembedded ones can be indeterminate. This is because the quantifier operates INSIDE the scope of the selection function — within each selected world, individual results are Bool (true/false), not Truth3.
Embedded selectional determinacy: when individual results are all determinate (Bool), the projected result is always determinate.
Strength determines pattern: under selectional semantics with mixed Bool individual results (some true, some false):
- Conjunctive projection (strong quantifiers) yields
.false - Disjunctive projection (weak quantifiers) yields
.true
"No" in mixed scenario gives FALSE under selectional semantics.
"Not every" in mixed scenario gives TRUE under selectional semantics.
All four quantifiers in mixed scenarios: under selectional
semantics with mixed Bool individual results, strong quantifiers
(every, no) yield .false and weak quantifiers (some, not every)
yield .true.
Universal Theory: All Individual Counterfactuals False #
Under the universal theory in a mixed scenario, EVERY individual counterfactual is false. The quantifier operates over a list of all-false values, giving DIFFERENT predictions from the selectional theory:
- Universal: every=FALSE, some=FALSE, no=TRUE, not-every=TRUE
- Selectional: every=FALSE, some=TRUE, no=FALSE, not-every=TRUE
The theories agree on "every" and "not every" but DISAGREE on "some" and "no" — the empirical discriminators tested in @cite{ramotowska-marty-romoli-santorio-2025}.
Universal theory embedded predictions: all individual CFs false.