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Linglib.Theories.Semantics.Conditionals.Counterfactual.QuantifierEmbedding

Quantified counterfactuals — projection-duality machinery #

@cite{ramotowska-marty-romoli-santorio-2025}

Extracted from Theories/Semantics/Conditionals/Counterfactual.lean (was lines 217–492). Provides the projection-duality apparatus that the @cite{ramotowska-marty-romoli-santorio-2025} study file uses to predict the strength × CF embedding pattern.

Projection Duality: Why Strength Matters #

Quantifier strength corresponds to a fundamental duality in how semantic values project through operators:

Universal-like operators (every, no, □, ∧):

Existential-like operators (some, not-every, ◇, ∨):

This duality manifests across natural-language semantics:

DomainUniversal-likeExistential-like
Quantified counterfactualsReject on mixedAccept on mixed
Presupposition projectionFiltering (universal)Existential accomm.
Homogeneity"The Xs P" needs all"Some Xs P" needs one
Free Choice□(A∨B) → □A∧□B◇(A∨B) → ◇A∧◇B
MonotonicityDownward entailingUpward entailing

The selectional theory captures this because three-valued logic with supervaluation naturally implements this projection duality.

Quantifier Embedding #

The three counterfactual theories make different predictions when counterfactuals are embedded under quantifiers in mixed scenarios (some individuals satisfy the consequent, others don't):

SentenceUniversalSelectionalHomogeneity
Every d □→FALSEFALSEPRESUP FAIL
Some d □→FALSETRUEPRESUP FAIL
No d □→TRUEFALSEPRESUP FAIL
Not every d □→TRUETRUEPRESUP FAIL

The universal and selectional theories agree on "every" and "not every" but DISAGREE on "some" and "no" — the discriminating contrast tested in @cite{ramotowska-marty-romoli-santorio-2025}.

@[reducible, inline]

Quantifier strength IS projection type. Strong quantifiers (every, no) use conjunctive projection; weak quantifiers (some, not-every) use disjunctive.

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    @[reducible, inline]

    Identity: projection type is already itself.

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      The Projection Duality Theorem.

      For a list of three-valued results:

      • Conjunctive projection: TRUE iff all TRUE, FALSE iff any FALSE
      • Disjunctive projection: TRUE iff any TRUE, FALSE iff all FALSE

      Implementation delegates to Core.Duality.aggregate, which computes the meet (⋀) or join (⋁) in the Truth3 lattice via foldl.

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        Conjunctive projection is fragile: one false element yields false.

        Disjunctive projection is robust: one true element yields true.

        The four embedded-quantifier operators #

        Evaluate embedded counterfactual under a quantifier via projection. Strong quantifiers (every, no) use conjunctive projection; weak quantifiers (some, not every) use disjunctive projection.

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          "No" quantifier: conjunctive projection over NEGATED individual results. "No X would V" = "Every X would NOT V".

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          • One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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            "Not every" quantifier: disjunctive projection over NEGATED individual results. "Not every X would V" = "∃X. ¬(X would V)".

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              Selectional Theory: Embedded Determinacy #

              @cite{ramotowska-marty-romoli-santorio-2025} §2.2.2: embedded selectional counterfactuals are DETERMINATE even though unembedded ones can be indeterminate. This is because the quantifier operates INSIDE the scope of the selection function — within each selected world, individual results are Bool (true/false), not Truth3.

              Embedded selectional determinacy: when individual results are all determinate (Bool), the projected result is always determinate.

              theorem Semantics.Conditionals.Counterfactual.strength_determines_pattern (bs : List Bool) (h_some_true : bs.any id = true) (h_some_false : (bs.any fun (x : Bool) => !x) = true) :

              Strength determines pattern: under selectional semantics with mixed Bool individual results (some true, some false):

              • Conjunctive projection (strong quantifiers) yields .false
              • Disjunctive projection (weak quantifiers) yields .true
              theorem Semantics.Conditionals.Counterfactual.no_mixed (bs : List Bool) (h_some_true : bs.any id = true) (h_some_false : (bs.any fun (x : Bool) => !x) = true) :

              "No" in mixed scenario gives FALSE under selectional semantics.

              theorem Semantics.Conditionals.Counterfactual.notEvery_mixed (bs : List Bool) (h_some_true : bs.any id = true) (h_some_false : (bs.any fun (x : Bool) => !x) = true) :

              "Not every" in mixed scenario gives TRUE under selectional semantics.

              All four quantifiers in mixed scenarios: under selectional semantics with mixed Bool individual results, strong quantifiers (every, no) yield .false and weak quantifiers (some, not every) yield .true.

              Universal Theory: All Individual Counterfactuals False #

              Under the universal theory in a mixed scenario, EVERY individual counterfactual is false. The quantifier operates over a list of all-false values, giving DIFFERENT predictions from the selectional theory:

              The theories agree on "every" and "not every" but DISAGREE on "some" and "no" — the empirical discriminators tested in @cite{ramotowska-marty-romoli-santorio-2025}.