Documentation

Linglib.Theories.Phonology.Autosegmental.CoPScope

CoP-Scope: Cophonological Domain Scope Hierarchy #

@cite{rolle-2018}

The CoP-scope hierarchy is @cite{rolle-2018}'s solution to the scope problem for grammatical tone: what determines the domain over which a GT operation applies?

The hierarchy #

Within a cophonological domain (CoP), structural positions are ordered by scope:

Spec ϕ > Head ϕ > Complement

A VI in specifier position scopes over the head, and a VI in head position scopes over its complement. At spell-out, syntactic structure is mapped to a morpho-phonological tree via hierarchy exchange, which preserves this asymmetric c-command ordering.

Deriving the dominant GT asymmetry #

The dominant GT asymmetry (@cite{rolle-2018} §3.4.1) states that dominant GT triggers are always dependents (affixes, modifiers) and targets are always lexical heads. Here we derive it from the CoP-scope hierarchy rather than stipulating it:

  1. Dominant GT requires the trigger to scope over the target
  2. The target occupies Head position (it's the lexical head)
  3. CoP-scope orders Spec > Head > Complement
  4. Only Spec scopes over Head (Complement does not)
  5. Spec is a dependent position
  6. Therefore dominant triggers must be dependents

The key non-trivial prediction: complements are dependents but CANNOT be dominant triggers, because Complement does not scope over Head. This rules out outward dominance from complements.

Structural positions within a cophonological domain (CoP), ordered by scope. The ordering Spec > Head > Complement determines which VI's cophonology takes precedence within the domain.

@cite{rolle-2018} Ch 6 §6.2: each VI has cophonology-scope over all inwardly located morphemes, and cophonologies apply cyclically up the tree, producing layered grammatical tone effects.

  • spec : CoPPosition

    Specifier: outermost scope. Dependents (modifiers, possessors) typically occupy this position.

  • head : CoPPosition

    Head: middle scope. Lexical heads (roots, stems) occupy this position.

  • complement : CoPPosition

    Complement: innermost scope. Complements and some affixes occupy this position.

Instances For
    @[implicit_reducible]
    Equations
    Equations
    • One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
    Instances For

      Does position a scope over position b?

      Equations
      Instances For

        No position scopes over itself.

        Heads do not scope over specifiers (asymmetry).

        Whether a position is a dependent position. Derived from the CoP structure: specifiers and complements are dependents; heads are not.

        This is not an independent stipulation — it follows from the structural definition of the CoP, where the head is the structural center and specifiers/complements are its dependents.

        Equations
        Instances For

          A node in a morpho-phonological tree within a cophonological domain. Each node represents a morpheme at a structural position, with an optional grammatical tone specification.

          Dependency status is derived from position via CoPPosition.isDependent, not independently stipulated. After hierarchy exchange (@cite{rolle-2018} Ch 4), syntactic structure maps to a CoP tree where scope ordering determines evaluation order: outer-scoping VIs' cophonologies apply after (and thus override) inner-scoping ones.

          • position : CoPPosition

            Structural position within the CoP.

          • gtSpec : Option GrammaticalTone.GTSpec

            Optional GT specification. none if this morpheme has no grammatical tone.

          Instances For
            Equations
            • One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
            Instances For

              Derived dependency status: a node is a dependent iff its position is Spec or Complement.

              Equations
              Instances For

                Hierarchy exchange: map a set of morphemes (from syntactic structure) to a cophonological evaluation order. The result is sorted by scope rank (highest first), so outer-scoping cophonologies are evaluated last — their effects take precedence.

                @cite{rolle-2018} Ch 4: hierarchy exchange preserves the inside-out derivational history of the syntactic module by referencing asymmetrical c-command, mediated through the CoP-scope ordering.

                Equations
                Instances For
                  theorem Phonology.Autosegmental.CoPScope.hierarchyExchange_perm (nodes : List CoPNode) :
                  (hierarchyExchange nodes).length = nodes.length

                  Hierarchy exchange preserves the node set (it only reorders).

                  The key lemma: if a position scopes over Head, it must be Spec.

                  Complement has lower rank than Head, so it cannot scope over Head. Head cannot scope over itself. Only Spec (rank 2 > 1) qualifies.

                  This is the structural backbone of the dominant GT asymmetry: if dominant GT requires scoping over the head, and only Spec scopes over Head, then dominant triggers must be at Spec.

                  A position that scopes over Head is a dependent position.

                  Follows from scopes_over_head_implies_spec (it must be Spec) and spec_is_dependent (Spec is a dependent).

                  theorem Phonology.Autosegmental.CoPScope.dominant_gt_asymmetry_from_scope (triggerPos targetPos : CoPPosition) (hTarget : targetPos = CoPPosition.head) (hScope : scopesOver triggerPos targetPos = true) :
                  { triggerIsDependent := triggerPos.isDependent, targetIsHead := !targetPos.isDependent }.holds = true

                  The dominant GT asymmetry derived from CoP-scope.

                  Hypotheses:

                  1. The target is at Head position (it's the lexical head)
                  2. The trigger scopes over the target (required for dominance)

                  From these two facts alone, the CoP-scope hierarchy determines:

                  • The trigger is at Spec (only Spec scopes over Head)
                  • Spec is a dependent position
                  • Head is not a dependent position

                  Therefore DominantGTAsymmetry.holds is satisfied: the trigger is a dependent and the target is a head. The Bool values are computed from positions, not independently stipulated.

                  Non-trivial prediction: complements are dependents but cannot be dominant triggers, because Complement does not scope over Head.

                  Complements cannot be dominant triggers despite being dependents: Complement does not scope over Head. This is a non-trivial prediction of the CoP-scope account — the asymmetry is not simply "dependents dominate heads" but specifically "dependents that scope over heads dominate heads."

                  Heads cannot impose dominant GT on specifiers (outward dominance).