DM Vocabulary Insertion under Containment Locality #
@cite{bobaljik-2012} @cite{bobaljik-2000} @cite{halle-marantz-1993} @cite{smith-moskal-xu-kang-bobaljik-2019}
The DM-flavored derivation of the *ABA generalization for inflectional morphology under root-out Vocabulary Insertion (@cite{bobaljik-2000}): root VI rules can only be conditioned on features inside their local domain, which means the same VI rule set competes at multiple cells of a containment hierarchy and the Elsewhere mechanism picks identical winners — giving plateau behavior, hence *ABA exclusion.
This file is the DM-side derivation of substrate facts in
Core/Morphology/Containment.lean and Core/Morphology/DegreeContainment.lean.
The Nanosyntax-side derivation (Superset Principle on phrasal
spellout) would live in Theories/Morphology/Nanosyntax/.
File layout — two layers #
PART I (n-parametric, §§1–6): the general containment-VI
machinery, parameterized by hierarchy depth n. The headline lemma is
applicableRules_sublist_of_le — under root-out locality, the set of
applicable rules is monotone in position. From monotonicity + a
locality cap M (no rule has contextLevel > M), the function
viWinner is constant on positions p ≥ M (the plateau theorem
viWinningContextLevel_const_above_cap). Specialized to n = 3, M = 1
this is the comparative-superlative result vi_cmpr_eq_sprl.
PART II (degree specialization, §§7–9, sub-namespace Degree):
the n=3 degree case derived from PART I via subtype refinement.
Degree.LocalVIRule := { r : ContainmentVIRule 3 // r.contextLevel ≤ cmprLevel }
bundles the locality cap into the rule type (mathlib OrderHom idiom).
Degree.vi_cmpr_eq_sprl is a one-line corollary of PART I's
viExponent_const_above_cap. Consumers (Bobaljik2012,
SmithMoskalEtAl2019) keep their DegreePattern-typed signatures
unchanged — Degree.viPattern still returns DegreePattern.
The deep mathematical content #
The headline lemma applicableRules_sublist_of_le is structural and
pre-morphological: as a position climbs from POS to SPRL (degree),
ABS to OBL (case), or SG to DL (number), strictly more rules become
applicable — those whose conditioning context is contained in the
current position. The remaining lemmas in PART I are pure plumbing on
this monotone structure:
applicableRules_eq_squeeze: when the applicable sets at two endpointsp ≤ ragree, every positionqsqueezed between them has the same applicable set. Structural analog ofMonotone.eq_of_le_of_le.viWinner_eq_of_applicableRules_eq: when applicable sets agree, the Elsewhere mechanism picks the same winner.applicableRules_eq_above_cap: under the cap, all positions ≥ M share the same applicable set.viWinningContextLevel_const_above_cap: combine to get plateau.
For the bridge to Morphology.Containment.ViolatesABA, see
PART II's vi_cmpr_eq_sprl (n=3 case directly) or apply
viExponent_const_above_cap at adjacent positions in the n>3 case.
Future work #
The Theories/Morphology/Nanosyntax/ parallel — phrasal spellout +
Superset Principle deriving the same *ABA exclusion — is a separate
file the substrate anticipates but does not yet exist.
A Vocabulary Insertion rule for an n-position containment hierarchy.
exponentis the phonological form inserted at the terminal.contextLevelis the deepest position whose features the rule's context refers to. Under root-out insertion (@cite{bobaljik-2000}), the rule applies at any positionpsuch thatcontextLevel ≤ p(positions strictly contain the contextLevel cell's features).specificityis the Elsewhere ranking (higher = more specific). When two rules both apply, the higher-specificity one wins.
The locality cap from @cite{bobaljik-2012} is not baked into the structure; it is a separate hypothesis on rule lists in §6.
- exponent : ℕ
Phonological exponent inserted at the terminal.
- contextLevel : Fin n
Deepest position whose features condition this rule.
- specificity : ℕ
Specificity for Elsewhere ordering.
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A rule applies at position p iff its contextLevel is ≤ p
(root-out: outer positions can be conditioned on inner features).
Equations
- r.AppliesAt p = (r.contextLevel ≤ p)
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Applicability is monotone in position: if a rule applies at p
and p ≤ q, it applies at q.
The list of rules applicable at position p, preserving the order
of the input list (so Elsewhere ties break by source order).
Equations
- Theories.Morphology.DM.ContainmentVI.applicableRules rules p = List.filter (fun (r : Theories.Morphology.DM.ContainmentVI.ContainmentVIRule n) => decide (r.AppliesAt p)) rules
Instances For
Headline structural lemma. As the position climbs the
containment hierarchy, the set of applicable rules grows
monotonically. This is the deep mathematical content from which
*ABA exclusion follows in two further short steps (§4, §6).
Stated as List.Sublist: every rule applicable at the lower
position is applicable at the higher position, in the same order.
The rule-set form (Set inclusion). The Set-level statement is the
canonical mathlib idiom for Monotone of a function into a powerset
lattice; the List.Sublist form above is the constructive analog
that respects Elsewhere's source-order tie-breaking.
Squeeze lemma. When applicableRules at two endpoints p ≤ r
agree, every position q between them has the same applicable set.
Pure-list reasoning: under monotonicity (§3), the middle filter is
sandwiched between the equal endpoint filters, forcing equality.
This is the structural analog of Monotone.eq_of_le_of_le.
The winning rule at position p: highest-specificity applicable
rule. mergeSort is stable, so ties break by input-list order
(the standard interpretation of Elsewhere when specificities tie).
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The contextLevel of the winning rule at position p, as
WithBot (Fin n) (returns ⊥ if no rule applies).
Equations
- Theories.Morphology.DM.ContainmentVI.viWinningContextLevel rules p = match Theories.Morphology.DM.ContainmentVI.viWinner rules p with | some r => ↑r.contextLevel | none => ⊥
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The exponent of the winning rule at position p, falling back to
defaultForm if no rule applies.
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- Theories.Morphology.DM.ContainmentVI.viExponent rules defaultForm p = match Theories.Morphology.DM.ContainmentVI.viWinner rules p with | some r => r.exponent | none => defaultForm
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The realized cell pattern: list of exponents at each of the n
positions, in containment order.
Equations
- Theories.Morphology.DM.ContainmentVI.viCellPattern rules defaultForm = List.map (Theories.Morphology.DM.ContainmentVI.viExponent rules defaultForm) (List.finRange n)
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Bridge lemma. The viWinner function depends only on
applicableRules: when applicable sets agree, the same Elsewhere
competition picks the same winner.
Corollary: when applicable sets agree, exponent agrees.
A rule list is capped at level M when no rule has contextLevel
strictly above M. This is @cite{bobaljik-2012}'s containment
locality: root VI rules can be conditioned only on the immediately
containing functional head, not on more distant ones.
Equations
- Theories.Morphology.DM.ContainmentVI.CappedAt rules M = ∀ r ∈ rules, r.contextLevel ≤ M
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Under the cap, applicable sets at positions p, q ≥ M agree.
Both filters select the same set: every rule in the list (since
every rule has contextLevel ≤ M ≤ p, q).
Plateau theorem. Under the cap, viExponent is constant on
positions p, q ≥ M. Specializing to n = 3, M = 1 recovers
Degree.vi_cmpr_eq_sprl (PART II).
Headline corollary (n-position generalization of
Degree.vi_cmpr_eq_sprl). Under the cap at M,
viWinningContextLevel is constant on positions p ≥ M.
The locality cap for degree morphology: CMPR is the deepest position whose features a root VI rule can be conditioned on.
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A locality-constrained VI rule for root morphemes in degree contexts (@cite{bobaljik-2012}, @cite{bobaljik-2000}).
Subtype of ContainmentVIRule 3 with the locality cap ≤ cmprLevel
bundled in via subtype refinement. This is the mathlib OrderHom
idiom (bundle the constraint with the carrier) applied to a
morphological rule with a structural locality property.
Root-out insertion (@cite{bobaljik-2000}) means root VI rules can only be conditioned on features in the root's local domain — the CMPR head that immediately contains the root. The SPRL head is outside CMPR and invisible to root VI; this is the cap.
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The degree pattern generated by VI competition. Built directly from
PART I's viExponent, applied at each grade's position via
DegreeGrade.toFin (defined in Core/Morphology/DegreeContainment.lean).
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Core result: under degree locality, VI selects the same root
form at CMPR and SPRL. Direct corollary of PART I's plateau theorem
viExponent_const_above_cap at the cap cmprLevel, instantiated
at positions 1 (CMPR) and 2 (SPRL).
Formal content of @cite{bobaljik-2012}'s containment argument: root suppletion at SPRL ↔ root suppletion at CMPR.
CSG Part I from VI: root suppletive at CMPR ⇒ root suppletive at SPRL.
CSG Part II from VI: root suppletive at SPRL ⇒ root suppletive at CMPR.
VI-generated root suppletion patterns are AAA or ABB only. *ABA is excluded by contiguity; *AAB and ABC (for root suppletion) are excluded by VI locality (CMPR cell = SPRL cell).