Documentation

Linglib.Studies.BrananErlewine2023

Branan and Erlewine 2023: Anti-pied-piping #

[BE23] documents anti-pied-piping — focus morphosyntax (particle placement, focus movement) targeting a proper subpart of the logical focus — in over sixty languages from over forty language groups, and proposes that focus particles are morphosyntactic flags for abstract operators, severing the particle's pronounced position from the position of its semantic contribution. This file formalizes the introductory paradigm (their (1)–(8)): Japanese mo placement and Hungarian focus movement each attest exact targeting, pied-piping, and anti-pied-piping, stated over the host–focus containment relations of Morphology/Reflex.lean.

Main declarations #

TODO #

The clause skeleton #

Clause skeleton for the introductory paradigm: an attributive adjective within the object DP; verb and object within VP; subject and VP within S.

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      The introductory paradigm #

      Their (1)–(8): Japanese additive mo and Hungarian focus movement in all three host–focus configurations.

      Their (2): Hanako-wa [hon]F*-mo* katta — mo on the focused object itself.

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        Their (4): Hanako-wa [[hon]F-o kai]-momo on the VP properly containing the focused object (Kuroda's pied-piping datum).

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          Their (8): [[Ame]-mo furu]F — sentence focus with mo on the subject properly contained in it (Nagano's anti-pied-piping datum).

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            Their (1): Hungarian movement of exactly the focused argument to the immediately preverbal focus position.

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              Their (3): [a [használt]F autót] adta el — the whole object DP moves for a focus on the attributive adjective (Kenesei's pied-piping datum).

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                Their (7): Péter [a Hamletet] [olvasta fel _ a kertben]F — predicate focus with movement of the object properly contained in it (Kenesei's anti-pied-piping datum).

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                  All three relations, in both processes #

                  Japanese mo placement attests all three host–focus relations (their (2)/(4)/(8)).

                  Hungarian focus movement attests all three host–focus relations (their (1)/(3)/(7)).

                  Neither particle placement nor focus movement strictly targets the F-marked constituent: each tolerates mismatches in both directions.