Cooper (2023) Ch. 8 â Type-Based Underspecification #
@cite{cooper-2023} @cite{chomsky-1981} @cite{kanazawa-1994} @cite{scontras-pearl-2021}
@cite{cooper-2023} Chapter 8 introduces content types that replace specific contents with types whose witnesses are fully specified readings.
This study formalises Ch. 8 directly. It was formerly substrate at
Theories/Semantics/TypeTheoretic/Underspecification.lean but is genuinely
a single-paper Cooper-textbook replication: only the sibling
Phenomena/Anaphora/Studies/Cooper2023.lean (bridge theorems to anaphora
data) consumed it externally. Companion to Cooper2023.lean in the same
directory.
Simplified semantic interface (used by bridge theorems) #
- Scope ambiguity: QStore, store/retrieve, đ (underspecification closure)
- Donkey anaphora: localization đ/đÊž/đá¶ (= purification đ/đÊž from Ch7)
- Binding theory: reflexivization â, anaphoric resolution @_{i,j}
- Conditional localization: đá¶ for the correct strong donkey reading
Full Ch8 context machinery (eqs 10â74â82â89) #
- Cntxtâ: full 7-field context (q, đ°, đ©, đŻ, đŽ, đ€, đ )
- B (eq 77): boundary operation removing locality at clause boundaries
- đ (eq 85): anaphor-free filter via r-field checking
- ââ (eq 84): full reflexivization on Cntxtâ
- @_{i,j} with l-field (eq 76): locality-aware anaphoric combination
- UnderspecClosureâ (eq 89): generalized đ with 7 closure clauses
- NQuantScope: N-quantifier scope generalization (N! readings)
- Cross-sentential anaphora (eqs 37-44): discourse merge
- Donkey + negation (eqs 46-55): path alignment, "no" quantifier
Bridge theorems #
tagged_roundtripâ đ witnesses â ScopeConfiglocalize := purify(Ch8 â Ch7) â true by abbreviation, not a theoremreflexivizeâ_agrees_with_simpleâ full ââ â simplified âtwoQuant_embeds_in_closureâ TwoQuantScope.đ embeds in UnderspecClosureâdonkeyNeg_uses_localizationâ negation donkey uses đ
Key connections #
QStore.isPluggedbridges toParametric.trivial(no pending scope)- Scope witnesses bridge to
ParticularWC_Exist/existPQ(Ch7) TwoQuantScope.đbridges toScopeConfigcrossSententialResolvebridges discourse merge to pronoun resolution
Quantifier stores #
A quantifier store holds quantifiers that have been "tucked away" during composition and await scope assignment via retrieval.
A quantifier store: a list of quantifiers awaiting scope resolution. Ch8 §8.3: stored quantifiers are later retrieved at scope positions, and retrieval order determines scope.
- stored : List (Semantics.TypeTheoretic.Quant E)
The stored quantifiers, ordered by storage time
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Empty quantifier store: no pending scope ambiguity.
Equations
- Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.QStore.empty = { stored := [] }
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A store is unplugged when quantifiers remain to be scoped.
Equations
- qs.isUnplugged = (qs.stored â [])
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Plugged â ÂŹ unplugged.
The empty store is plugged by construction.
Bridge: a plugged QStore corresponds to a trivial Parametric background.
When the store is empty, the content has no scope presuppositions â
just like Parametric.trivial has Bg = Unit.
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Store #
Store moves a quantifier from content into the qstore, leaving behind a variable (trace) in the content.
Store a quantifier: push it onto the front of the store. Ch8 §8.3: store(Q) moves Q into the qstore.
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Storing into a plugged store makes it unplugged.
Retrieve #
Retrieve pops a quantifier from the store and applies it at a scope position. The order of retrieval determines relative scope.
Retrieve the first quantifier from the store.
Ch8 §8.3: retrieve pops the outermost stored quantifier.
Returns the quantifier and the remaining store, or none if plugged.
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Store then retrieve recovers the stored quantifier.
Two-quantifier scope #
For sentences with two quantifiers and a binary relation, the two possible retrieval orders produce exactly two scope readings. Ch8: "every boy hugged a dog" has â>â and â>â readings.
A two-quantifier scope configuration: two quantifiers and a relation. Ch8: the minimal underspecified content for a doubly-quantified sentence.
- rel : E â E â Type
The binary relation (e.g., hug)
- qâ : Semantics.TypeTheoretic.Quant E
The subject quantifier (e.g., every boy)
- qâ : Semantics.TypeTheoretic.Quant E
The object quantifier (e.g., a dog)
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Surface scope reading: Qâ scopes over Qâ. Ch8: retrieving Qâ first = outermost scope. For "every boy hugged a dog": âx.boy(x) â ây.dog(y) â§ hug(x,y).
Equations
- s.surfaceScope = s.qâ fun (x : E) => s.qâ fun (y : E) => s.rel x y
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Inverse scope reading: Qâ scopes over Qâ. For "every boy hugged a dog": ây.dog(y) â§ âx.boy(x) â hug(x,y).
Equations
- s.inverseScope = s.qâ fun (y : E) => s.qâ fun (x : E) => s.rel x y
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The underspecification closure đ for two quantifiers: the join of all possible scope readings. Ch8 §8.4: each witness of đ(content) is one fully specified reading. With two quantifiers, |đ| = 2.
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đ is inhabited iff at least one scope reading is true.
A surface scope witness embeds into đ.
Equations
- s.surfaceToUnderspec w = Sum.inl w
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An inverse scope witness embeds into đ.
Equations
- s.inverseToUnderspec w = Sum.inr w
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Select a scope reading by ScopeConfig. Ch8 â @cite{scontras-pearl-2021} bridge: retrieval order corresponds to ScopeConfig.surface /.inverse.
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Bridge: underspec witnesses match scope readings #
The witnesses of đ(content) are in bijection with the scope orderings predicted by retrieve. Each ScopeConfig selects one reading, and every witness of đ comes from exactly one reading.
This connects TTR's type-based underspecification to the ScopeConfig
infrastructure used by @cite{scontras-pearl-2021} in the RSA implementation.
Forward direction: every witness of đ is tagged by a ScopeConfig.
Equations
- s.đ_to_tagged (Sum.inl surf) = âšSemantics.Scope.ScopeConfig.surface, surfâ©
- s.đ_to_tagged (Sum.inr inv) = âšSemantics.Scope.ScopeConfig.inverse, invâ©
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Backward direction: a tagged reading embeds into đ.
Equations
- s.tagged_to_đ tagged = match tagged.fst, tagged.snd with | Semantics.Scope.ScopeConfig.surface, w => Sum.inl w | Semantics.Scope.ScopeConfig.inverse, w => Sum.inr w
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Round-trip: tagged â đ â tagged is the identity. This is the bijection theorem connecting Ch8's đ to ScopeConfig.
Scope ambiguity in "every boy hugged a dog" #
Ch8: the classic scope ambiguity example. Two boys, two dogs; each boy hugs a different dog. Surface scope is true but inverse scope is false.
Equations
- Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.instDecidableEqScopeInd xâ yâ = if h : xâ.ctorIdx = yâ.ctorIdx then isTrue ⯠else isFalse âŻ
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- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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Boy predicate: Tom and Bill are boys.
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Dog predicate: Fido and Rex are dogs.
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Hug predicate: Tom hugs Fido, Bill hugs Rex. This scenario makes surface scope true but inverse scope false: every boy hugged A dog (different dogs), but no single dog was hugged by every boy.
Equations
- Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.hugs Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.ScopeInd.tom Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.ScopeInd.fido = PUnit.{1}
- Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.hugs Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.ScopeInd.bill Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.ScopeInd.rex = PUnit.{1}
- Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.hugs xâÂč xâ = Empty
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The universal quantifier for boys.
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The existential quantifier for dogs.
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The two-quantifier scope configuration for "every boy hugged a dog".
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Surface scope witness: every boy hugged a (possibly different) dog. TomâFido, BillâRex.
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- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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Inverse scope fails: no single dog was hugged by every boy.
đ is inhabited (via the surface scope reading).
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The surface reading is the only true reading in this scenario.
The scope reading is correctly identified as surface via tagging.
Bridge: scope readings â witness conditions #
The connection between Ch8's scope readings and Ch7's witness conditions:
a surface scope reading with a universal subject and existential object
corresponds to per-element ParticularWC_Exist conditions, yielding
REFSET anaphora for the object NP.
"Every boy hugged a dog. It was friendly." â "it" picks up one dog per boy (distributive anaphora, REFSET).
Bridge: a surface scope witness (âx.P(x) â ây.Q(y) â§ R(x,y)) yields
a ParticularWC_Exist for the inner existential at each fixed subject.
Cooper Ch8âCh7: the inner quantifier's witness condition is exactly
ParticularWC_Exist, predicting REFSET anaphora for the object.
Equations
- Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.surfaceScope_inner_witness P Q R w x hP = { x := (w x hP).individual, pWit := (w x hP).restrWit, qWit := (w x hP).scopeWit }
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Bridge: an inverse scope witness (ây.Q(y) â§ âx.P(x) â R(x,y)) yields
a ParticularWC_Exist for the outer existential â there is ONE specific
entity witnessing Q that the universal scopes under.
"A dog was hugged by every boy. It was large." â "it" picks up the specific dog (REFSET from outer scope).
Equations
- Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.inverseScope_outer_witness P Q R w = { x := w.individual, pWit := w.restrWit, qWit := w.scopeWit }
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Bridge: surface scope (semUniversal + ExistWitness) matches
existPQ at each individual â the Ch7 existential predicate overlap.
Cooper Ch8âCh7: scope retrieval order determines which witness conditions hold per quantifier position.
Localization #
Ch8 §8.5: localization moves a stored quantifier's background into the domain of a property, absorbing the context dependency. This is the Ch8 mechanism for donkey anaphora:
"Every farmer who owns a donkey beats it" â "a donkey" is stored, then localized into the restrictor "farmer who owns a donkey", binding the donkey existentially (weak) or universally (strong) inside the property body.
The central insight: this is the same operation as Ch7's purification.
Localization: absorb a parametric property's background into its body. Ch8 §8.5: đ(P) moves context material into the property's domain type, enabling donkey anaphora. Before đ: restrictor is parametric (depends on which donkey). After đ: restrictor is pure (donkey existentially bound inside).
Cooper §8.5 identifies đ with the Ch. 7 purification operator đ
(the same ÎŁ-absorption of a parametric background into the
property body). We encode the identification as abbrev so that
Ch7 lemmas about purification automatically discharge Ch8 obligations
about localization â the cross-chapter unification is true by
construction, not a separate bridge theorem.
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Universal localization: strong-donkey variant. Identical to Ch7's đÊž.
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Localization lemmas (inherited from Ch7 purification) #
Because localize := purify and localizeUniv := purifyUniv,
all witness-existence lemmas about purification carry over via
Iff.rfl-style aliases. Cooper's claim that "the Ch8 localization
mechanism is the Ch7 purification mechanism" is now true by
construction.
Localization preserves truth: a localized property is witnessed iff the original is witnessable under some context.
Universal localization: witnessed iff property holds under all contexts.
Localizing a trivial parametric property adds only a Unit factor.
Bridge: weak and strong donkey readings agree when the parametric
background is trivial. Corollary of donkey_readings_agree_when_pure.
"Every farmer who owns a donkey beats it" #
The classic donkey anaphora example. Two farmers, two donkeys; each farmer owns and beats a different donkey. This demonstrates:
- Localization absorbs "a donkey" into the restrictor
- Weak donkey (đ = đ) is true â each farmer owns/beats some donkey
- Strong donkey (đÊž = đÊž) fails â no farmer owns/beats every donkey
- The divergence witnesses the non-triviality of
donkey_readings_agree_when_pure
Equations
- Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.instDecidableEqDonkeyInd xâ yâ = if h : xâ.ctorIdx = yâ.ctorIdx then isTrue ⯠else isFalse âŻ
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- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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Ownership: farmer1 owns donkey1, farmer2 owns donkey2.
Equations
- Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.owns Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.DonkeyInd.farmer1 Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.DonkeyInd.donkey1 = PUnit.{1}
- Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.owns Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.DonkeyInd.farmer2 Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.DonkeyInd.donkey2 = PUnit.{1}
- Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.owns xâÂč xâ = Empty
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Beating: each farmer beats the donkey they own.
Equations
- Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.beats Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.DonkeyInd.farmer1 Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.DonkeyInd.donkey1 = PUnit.{1}
- Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.beats Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.DonkeyInd.farmer2 Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.DonkeyInd.donkey2 = PUnit.{1}
- Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.beats xâÂč xâ = Empty
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Background type: a donkey that exists.
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The parametric property "farmer who owns a donkey [and beats it]". Background: a specific donkey d. Foreground: given d, x is a farmer who owns d and beats d.
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- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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Farmer1 satisfies the weak donkey reading: owns and beats donkey1.
Equations
- Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.farmer1_weak_donkey = âšâšStudies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.DonkeyInd.donkey1, PUnit.unitâ©, (PUnit.unit, PUnit.unit, PUnit.unit)â©
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Farmer2 satisfies the weak donkey reading: owns and beats donkey2.
Equations
- Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.farmer2_weak_donkey = âšâšStudies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.DonkeyInd.donkey2, PUnit.unitâ©, (PUnit.unit, PUnit.unit, PUnit.unit)â©
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Strong donkey FAILS for farmer1: farmer1 doesn't own donkey2. This is the â-reading: every donkey d, farmer1 owns d â§ beats d. Fails because farmer1 doesn't own donkey2.
Weak and strong donkey readings DIVERGE: weak is true, strong is false.
This demonstrates that donkey_readings_agree_when_pure has a real
hypothesis: when Bg is non-trivial (multiple donkeys), the readings
genuinely differ.
The full sentence "every farmer who owns a donkey beats it" is true under the weak donkey reading (via localization = purification).
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TODO: Cooper's correct strong-donkey reading via đ^â #
The previous formalisation here (localizeConditional + beatsParam +
ownsGate + strongDonkeyConditional + farmer{1,2}_strong_conditional)
was a formaliser-invented "conditional gate" mechanism attributing
@cite{kanazawa-1994}'s strong-donkey reading to a third operator beyond
đ and đÊž. Cooper's own §8.5 solution is đ^â over a parametric property
whose background contains the ownership constraint (not đ + a separate
gate). The current farmerOwnsBeatsDonkey puts ownership in the
foreground, so đ^â over it misfires â but restructuring the property
so that Bg carries the owning relation (a per-farmer indexed
background) lets đ^â produce the correct prediction directly.
Audit-verified gap (linguistics-domain-expert vs Cooper 2023 PDF, §8.5): the correct strong-donkey reconstruction is deferred until the indexed-background machinery for per-entity Bg is in place.
Reflexivization and anaphoric operations #
Ch8 introduces two operations for binding:
â(P) (eq 84): Reflexivization â removes the reflexive marking (r-field) from the context and binds the reflexive pronoun to the subject variable in the domain of the property. Semantic effect: R(x,y) â R(x,x).
@_{i,j} (eq 28): Anaphoric combination â identifies assignment path j with path i, creating the anaphoric link between a pronoun and its antecedent. General mechanism for pronoun resolution.
The interplay creates complementary distribution:
- â provides the mechanism for reflexives â they MUST be locally bound
- @_{i,j} with a constant resolve function gives disjoint reference for pronouns
- B (eq 77, not yet formalized) removes locality at clause boundaries
Key connections #
reflexivize(â) bridges toCoreferencePattern.reflexivePattern(Phenomena)anaphoricResolvecaptures @_{i,j} resolution âpronounPatternreflexive_predicts_binding: the main bridge theorem (bridge theorem 3)
Reflexivization: identify the two arguments of a binary relation. Ch8, eq (84): â(P) removes the reflexive marking (r-field) from the context and replaces the dependency on the assignment variable đ€.xᔹ with the domain variable r.x.
Semantic effect: a transitive verb R(x,y) becomes a reflexive VP R(x,x), forcing the object to corefer with the subject. "Sam likes himself" = â(like)(Sam) = like(Sam, Sam).
Equations
- Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.reflexivize R x = R x x
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- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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Anaphoric resolution: resolve a parametric property's background using a function of the foreground argument. Captures the semantic effect of Cooper's @{i,j} (eq 28): @{i,j} identifies path đ€.xⱌ with đ€.xᔹ, creating the anaphoric link.
- Reflexives: resolve = id (subject IS the referent) â same as â
- Pronouns: resolve = const(g(i)) (assignment provides referent)
Equations
- Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.anaphoricResolve P resolve x = P.fg (resolve x) x
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â forces argument identity: any witness of â(R)(x) IS R(x,x). Cooper Ch8: the reflexive marking ensures the object slot is filled by the same individual as the subject.
â is anaphoric resolution with identity: reflexivization is the special case where the background (object referent) is resolved to equal the foreground argument (subject). â(R) = anaphoricResolve(âšE, λy x. R(x,y)â©, id).
Pronoun resolution with constant: resolves to a fixed referent y regardless of the subject x. Captures @_{i,j} when the assignment g(i) = y is fixed from discourse context. "Sam likes him(=Bill)" = anaphoricResolve(like_param, const Bill)(Sam) = like(Sam, Bill).
Binding in "Sam likes himself" / "Sam likes him" #
Ch8, eqs (67)â(73): "Sam likes him" has two fields x and y for individuals (68a). When y=x, the fields are filled by the same individual (68b,c). Reflexivization â forces this identification.
The complementary distribution:
- "Sam likes himself" = â(like)(Sam) = like(Sam, Sam) â coreference forced
- "Sam likes him(=Bill)" = anaphoricResolve(like_param, const Bill)(Sam) = like(Sam, Bill) â disjoint reference
Equations
- Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.instDecidableEqBindInd xâ yâ = if h : xâ.ctorIdx = yâ.ctorIdx then isTrue ⯠else isFalse âŻ
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- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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"like" as a non-trivial binary relation. Sam likes everyone, Bill likes Kim and himself, Kim likes herself only. This makes binding witnesses non-trivially constrained: â(likeâ)(Kim) is inhabited but likeâ.kim.sam is not, so reflexivization genuinely restricts which argument pairs are witnessable.
Equations
- Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.likeâ Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.BindInd.sam xâ = PUnit.{1}
- Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.likeâ Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.BindInd.bill Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.BindInd.bill = PUnit.{1}
- Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.likeâ Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.BindInd.bill Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.BindInd.kim = PUnit.{1}
- Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.likeâ Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.BindInd.kim Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.BindInd.kim = PUnit.{1}
- Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.likeâ xâÂč xâ = Empty
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likeâ is non-trivial: not everyone likes everyone.
"like" as parametric content: the object comes from background. Cooper Ch8, eq (69): the verb phrase "likes him" has the object's referent in the context (đ€.xâ).
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"Sam likes himself" via â: Cooper Ch8, eq (84). â(like)(Sam) = like(Sam, Sam).
Equations
- Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.samLikesHimself = PUnit.unit
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"Sam likes him(=Bill)" via pronoun resolution: Cooper Ch8, eq (72). @_{0,1}(Sam, likes him) resolves "him" to Bill from context.
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- Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.samLikesBill = PUnit.unit
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â forces coreference: the reflexive witness IS like(Sam, Sam).
Pronoun resolution gives like(Sam, Bill) â distinct arguments.
Every individual can like themselves (â always witnessable). Non-trivial: each case uses a different constructor witness.
Equations
- Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.allLikeSelf Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.BindInd.sam = PUnit.unit
- Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.allLikeSelf Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.BindInd.bill = PUnit.unit
- Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.allLikeSelf Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.BindInd.kim = PUnit.unit
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â applied to likeParam is the same as reflexivize applied to likeâ. This shows the parametric and direct formulations agree.
â genuinely constrains: Kim can like herself (â) but NOT Bill (pronoun resolution). This is non-trivial because likeâ.kim.bill is Empty while likeâ.kim.kim is PUnit.
Bridge to positional binding interface #
Connect TTR's semantic binding (â / @_{i,j}) to the syntactic binding
interface in Theories.Interfaces.SyntaxSemantics.Binding.
TTR's binding theory is semantic (argument identification via types),
while BindingSemantics is syntactic (position-based binderâbindee
relations). The bridge maps:
- â applied â
BindingRelationwith subject as binder, object as bindee - @_{i,j} resolution (pronoun) â free variable in the
BindingConfig
â induces a binding relation: subject binds the reflexive object. Cooper Ch8, (81): S â NP VP | B(NP'(@VP')). The subject at position 0 binds "himself" at position 2.
Equations
- Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.reflexivize_to_binding subjectPos objectPos = { binder := subjectPos, bindee := objectPos, varIndex := 0 }
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Binding config for "Sam likes himself": one local binding.
Equations
- Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.reflexiveBindingConfig = { bindings := [Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.reflexivize_to_binding { index := 0 } { index := 2 }], freeVariables := [] }
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The reflexive binding config is well-formed: no double binding, no self-binding, consistent indices.
Binding config for "Sam likes him": no local bindings, the pronoun at position 2 is a free variable.
Equations
- Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.pronominalBindingConfig = { bindings := [], freeVariables := [({ index := 2 }, 0)] }
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The pronominal config has no local bindings (Condition B).
Bridge: TTR â maps to a non-trivial binding config (one binding), while @{i,j} pronoun resolution maps to an empty binding config. The semantic mechanism (â vs @{i,j}) determines the syntactic binding structure.
Full Ch8 context #
Context evolves: eq 10 {q,đ°,đŽ,đ€,đ } â eq 74 adds đ© â eq 82 adds đŻ.
Cntxtâ encodes eq 82 (final). Earlier versions recoverable via
đ© := empty / đŻ := empty. Extends CntxtFull (Ch7, eq 122) with q/đ©/đŻ.
Ch8 context, eq (82).
- q : QStore E
- đ° : Semantics.TypeTheoretic.Assgnmnt E
- đ© : Semantics.TypeTheoretic.Assgnmnt E
- đŻ : Semantics.TypeTheoretic.Assgnmnt E
- đŽ : Semantics.TypeTheoretic.Assgnmnt E
- đ€ : Semantics.TypeTheoretic.Assgnmnt E
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B(α): boundary operation, eq (77). Resets l-field at clause boundaries.
Equations
- Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.boundaryâ P c = P { q := c.q, đ° := c.đ°, đ© := Core.PartialAssign.empty, đŻ := c.đŻ, đŽ := c.đŽ, đ€ := c.đ€, đ := c.đ }
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@_{i,j} with locality check, eq (76). Identifies đ°.xⱌ with đ°.xᔹ only when đ°.xᔹ is in the l-field.
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S â NP VP | B(NP'(@VP')), eq (81).
Equations
- Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.sentenceRuleâ np vp = Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.boundaryâ fun (c : Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.Cntxtâ E) => np c Ă vp c
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"Sam thinks she is lucky" â B enables non-local pronoun binding. #
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Equations
- Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.instDecidableEqNLPInd xâ yâ = if h : xâ.ctorIdx = yâ.ctorIdx then isTrue ⯠else isFalse âŻ
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- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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đ(T): anaphor-free filter, eq (85). Requires r-field empty.
Equations
- Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.anaphorFreeâ P c = (Semantics.TypeTheoretic.propT (â (i : â), c.đŻ i = none) Ă P c)
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ââ(P): full reflexivization, eq (84). Clears r-field and sets đ°(i) = x.
Equations
- Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.reflexivizeâ i P c x = P { q := c.q, đ° := Core.PartialAssign.update c.đ° i x, đ© := c.đ©, đŻ := Core.PartialAssign.empty, đŽ := c.đŽ, đ€ := c.đ€, đ := c.đ } x
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VP â V NP | đ(V'(@NP')), eq (88).
Equations
- Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.vpRuleâ verb np c x = (Semantics.TypeTheoretic.propT (â (i : â), c.đŻ i = none) Ă (y : E) Ă verb c x y Ă np c y)
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ââ agrees with simplified â when P ignores the context.
eq (20).
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đ(T): underspecification closure, eq (89). 7 clauses: base, localize, reflexivize, align, anaphoric, store, retrieve.
- base {T : Type} : T â UnderspecClosureâ T
- localize {T : Type} : UnderspecClosureâ T â (Bg : Type) â UnderspecClosureâ T
- reflexivize {T : Type} : UnderspecClosureâ T â (idx : â) â UnderspecClosureâ T
- align {T : Type} : UnderspecClosureâ T â (src tgt : â) â UnderspecClosureâ T
- anaphoric {T : Type} : UnderspecClosureâ T â (i j : â) â UnderspecClosureâ T
- store_ {T : Type} : UnderspecClosureâ T â UnderspecClosureâ T
- retrieve_ {T : Type} : UnderspecClosureâ T â UnderspecClosureâ T
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N-quantifier scope #
N quantifiers yield N! scope readings. Scope orderings are lists of
Fin n; list order = retrieval order (head = outermost).
N-quantifier scope: n-ary relation + n quantifiers.
- rel : (Fin n â E) â Type
- quants : Fin n â Semantics.TypeTheoretic.Quant E
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Nest quantifiers: head = outermost, tail = innermost.
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- s.nestQuants [] xâ = s.rel xâ
- s.nestQuants (i :: rest) xâ = s.quants i fun (x : E) => s.nestQuants rest fun (j : Fin n) => if j = i then x else xâ j
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A scope ordering: a permutation of Fin n as a list.
- order : List (Fin n)
- complete : self.order.length = n
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- s.readingAt Ï default = s.nestQuants Ï.order fun (x : Fin n) => default
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- s.đ default = ((Ï : Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.ScopeOrdering n) Ă s.readingAt Ï default)
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"Someone gave every child a present" â 3 quantifiers, 6 readings. #
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- Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.instDecidableEqThreeQInd xâ yâ = if h : xâ.ctorIdx = yâ.ctorIdx then isTrue ⯠else isFalse âŻ
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- Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.gaveâ xâÂČ xâÂč xâ = Empty
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Cross-sentential anaphora #
"A man walked. He whistled." â eqs (37)-(44). The pronoun resolves to the indefinite via discourse merge: previous sentence's foreground becomes current sentence's background under label đ.
Cross-sentential resolution, eqs (42)-(44): đ°.xâ = âđ.e.x
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- Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.crossSententialResolve prev = prev.fst
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- Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.instDecidableEqCSInd xâ yâ = if h : xâ.ctorIdx = yâ.ctorIdx then isTrue ⯠else isFalse âŻ
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- Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.aManWalked = âšStudies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.CSInd.john, (PUnit.unit, PUnit.unit)â©
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- Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.manWalkedHeWhistled_witness = âšStudies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.CSInd.john, (PUnit.unit, PUnit.unit, PUnit.unit)â©
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"No dog which chases a cat catches it" #
Eqs (46)-(55): negation + localization + path alignment.
Path alignment, eq (52): Ï_{Ïâ=Ïâ} replaces path Ïâ with Ïâ.
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- dog1 : DonkeyNegInd
- dog2 : DonkeyNegInd
- cat1 : DonkeyNegInd
- cat2 : DonkeyNegInd
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- Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.instDecidableEqDonkeyNegInd xâ yâ = if h : xâ.ctorIdx = yâ.ctorIdx then isTrue ⯠else isFalse âŻ
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- Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.chasesâ Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.DonkeyNegInd.dog1 Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.DonkeyNegInd.cat1 = PUnit.{1}
- Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.chasesâ Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.DonkeyNegInd.dog2 Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.DonkeyNegInd.cat2 = PUnit.{1}
- Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.chasesâ xâÂč xâ = Empty
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Localized restrictor: cat existential absorbed into "dog which chases a cat".
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- Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.catchesâ_none xâÂč xâ = Empty
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"no" quantifier: âx. restr(x) â ÂŹscope(x).
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- Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.semNoâ restr scope = ((x : Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.DonkeyNegInd) â restr x â scope x â Empty)
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TRUE when no dog catches the cat it chases.
FALSE when every dog catches the cat it chases.
Negation donkey uses đ (same mechanism as classic donkey).