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Linglib.Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023Ch8

Cooper (2023) Ch. 8 — Type-Based Underspecification #

@cite{cooper-2023} @cite{chomsky-1981} @cite{kanazawa-1994} @cite{scontras-pearl-2021}

@cite{cooper-2023} Chapter 8 introduces content types that replace specific contents with types whose witnesses are fully specified readings.

This study formalises Ch. 8 directly. It was formerly substrate at Theories/Semantics/TypeTheoretic/Underspecification.lean but is genuinely a single-paper Cooper-textbook replication: only the sibling Phenomena/Anaphora/Studies/Cooper2023.lean (bridge theorems to anaphora data) consumed it externally. Companion to Cooper2023.lean in the same directory.

Simplified semantic interface (used by bridge theorems) #

  1. Scope ambiguity: QStore, store/retrieve, 𝔖 (underspecification closure)
  2. Donkey anaphora: localization 𝔏/đ”Êž/đ”á¶œ (= purification 𝔓/đ”“Êž from Ch7)
  3. Binding theory: reflexivization ℜ, anaphoric resolution @_{i,j}
  4. Conditional localization: đ”á¶œ for the correct strong donkey reading

Full Ch8 context machinery (eqs 10→74→82→89) #

  1. Cntxt₈: full 7-field context (q, 𝔰, đ”©, 𝔯, 𝔮, đ”€, 𝔠)
  2. B (eq 77): boundary operation removing locality at clause boundaries
  3. 𝔄 (eq 85): anaphor-free filter via r-field checking
  4. ℜ₈ (eq 84): full reflexivization on Cntxt₈
  5. @_{i,j} with l-field (eq 76): locality-aware anaphoric combination
  6. UnderspecClosure₈ (eq 89): generalized 𝔖 with 7 closure clauses
  7. NQuantScope: N-quantifier scope generalization (N! readings)
  8. Cross-sentential anaphora (eqs 37-44): discourse merge
  9. Donkey + negation (eqs 46-55): path alignment, "no" quantifier

Bridge theorems #

  1. tagged_roundtrip — 𝔖 witnesses ↔ ScopeConfig
  2. localize := purify (Ch8 ↔ Ch7) — true by abbreviation, not a theorem
  3. reflexivize₈_agrees_with_simple — full ℜ₈ ↔ simplified ℜ
  4. twoQuant_embeds_in_closure — TwoQuantScope.𝔖 embeds in UnderspecClosure₈
  5. donkeyNeg_uses_localization — negation donkey uses 𝔏

Key connections #

Quantifier stores #

A quantifier store holds quantifiers that have been "tucked away" during composition and await scope assignment via retrieval.

A quantifier store: a list of quantifiers awaiting scope resolution. Ch8 §8.3: stored quantifiers are later retrieved at scope positions, and retrieval order determines scope.

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    Empty quantifier store: no pending scope ambiguity.

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      A store is plugged when all quantifiers have taken scope. Ch8: plugged content is fully scope-resolved.

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        A store is unplugged when quantifiers remain to be scoped.

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          Plugged ↔ ¬ unplugged.

          The empty store is plugged by construction.

          Bridge: a plugged QStore corresponds to a trivial Parametric background. When the store is empty, the content has no scope presuppositions — just like Parametric.trivial has Bg = Unit.

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            Store #

            Store moves a quantifier from content into the qstore, leaving behind a variable (trace) in the content.

            Store a quantifier: push it onto the front of the store. Ch8 §8.3: store(Q) moves Q into the qstore.

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              Storing into a plugged store makes it unplugged.

              Retrieve #

              Retrieve pops a quantifier from the store and applies it at a scope position. The order of retrieval determines relative scope.

              Retrieve the first quantifier from the store. Ch8 §8.3: retrieve pops the outermost stored quantifier. Returns the quantifier and the remaining store, or none if plugged.

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                Retrieve returns none iff the store is plugged.

                Store then retrieve recovers the stored quantifier.

                Two-quantifier scope #

                For sentences with two quantifiers and a binary relation, the two possible retrieval orders produce exactly two scope readings. Ch8: "every boy hugged a dog" has ∀>∃ and ∃>∀ readings.

                A two-quantifier scope configuration: two quantifiers and a relation. Ch8: the minimal underspecified content for a doubly-quantified sentence.

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                  Surface scope reading: Q₁ scopes over Q₂. Ch8: retrieving Q₁ first = outermost scope. For "every boy hugged a dog": ∀x.boy(x) → ∃y.dog(y) ∧ hug(x,y).

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                    Inverse scope reading: Q₂ scopes over Q₁. For "every boy hugged a dog": ∃y.dog(y) ∧ ∀x.boy(x) → hug(x,y).

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                      The underspecification closure 𝔖 for two quantifiers: the join of all possible scope readings. Ch8 §8.4: each witness of 𝔖(content) is one fully specified reading. With two quantifiers, |𝔖| = 2.

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                        A surface scope witness embeds into 𝔖.

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                          An inverse scope witness embeds into 𝔖.

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                            Select a scope reading by ScopeConfig. Ch8 → @cite{scontras-pearl-2021} bridge: retrieval order corresponds to ScopeConfig.surface /.inverse.

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                              Bridge: underspec witnesses match scope readings #

                              The witnesses of 𝔖(content) are in bijection with the scope orderings predicted by retrieve. Each ScopeConfig selects one reading, and every witness of 𝔖 comes from exactly one reading.

                              This connects TTR's type-based underspecification to the ScopeConfig infrastructure used by @cite{scontras-pearl-2021} in the RSA implementation.

                              Forward direction: every witness of 𝔖 is tagged by a ScopeConfig.

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                                Backward direction: a tagged reading embeds into 𝔖.

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                                  Round-trip: tagged → 𝔖 → tagged is the identity. This is the bijection theorem connecting Ch8's 𝔖 to ScopeConfig.

                                  Scope ambiguity in "every boy hugged a dog" #

                                  Ch8: the classic scope ambiguity example. Two boys, two dogs; each boy hugs a different dog. Surface scope is true but inverse scope is false.

                                  Individuals for the scope example.

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                                      Hug predicate: Tom hugs Fido, Bill hugs Rex. This scenario makes surface scope true but inverse scope false: every boy hugged A dog (different dogs), but no single dog was hugged by every boy.

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                                        Surface scope witness: every boy hugged a (possibly different) dog. Tom→Fido, Bill→Rex.

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                                          Bridge: scope readings → witness conditions #

                                          The connection between Ch8's scope readings and Ch7's witness conditions: a surface scope reading with a universal subject and existential object corresponds to per-element ParticularWC_Exist conditions, yielding REFSET anaphora for the object NP.

                                          "Every boy hugged a dog. It was friendly." → "it" picks up one dog per boy (distributive anaphora, REFSET).

                                          Bridge: a surface scope witness (∀x.P(x) → ∃y.Q(y) ∧ R(x,y)) yields a ParticularWC_Exist for the inner existential at each fixed subject.

                                          Cooper Ch8→Ch7: the inner quantifier's witness condition is exactly ParticularWC_Exist, predicting REFSET anaphora for the object.

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                                            Bridge: an inverse scope witness (∃y.Q(y) ∧ ∀x.P(x) → R(x,y)) yields a ParticularWC_Exist for the outer existential — there is ONE specific entity witnessing Q that the universal scopes under.

                                            "A dog was hugged by every boy. It was large." → "it" picks up the specific dog (REFSET from outer scope).

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                                              theorem Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.surface_scope_matches_existPQ {E : Type} (P Q : Semantics.TypeTheoretic.Ppty E) (R : E → E → Type) (w : Semantics.TypeTheoretic.semUniversal P fun (x : E) => Semantics.TypeTheoretic.ExistWitness E Q fun (y : E) => R x y) (x : E) :
                                              Nonempty (P x) → Semantics.TypeTheoretic.existPQ Q (R x)

                                              Bridge: surface scope (semUniversal + ExistWitness) matches existPQ at each individual — the Ch7 existential predicate overlap.

                                              Cooper Ch8→Ch7: scope retrieval order determines which witness conditions hold per quantifier position.

                                              Localization #

                                              Ch8 §8.5: localization moves a stored quantifier's background into the domain of a property, absorbing the context dependency. This is the Ch8 mechanism for donkey anaphora:

                                              "Every farmer who owns a donkey beats it" → "a donkey" is stored, then localized into the restrictor "farmer who owns a donkey", binding the donkey existentially (weak) or universally (strong) inside the property body.

                                              The central insight: this is the same operation as Ch7's purification.

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                                              Localization: absorb a parametric property's background into its body. Ch8 §8.5: 𝔏(P) moves context material into the property's domain type, enabling donkey anaphora. Before 𝔏: restrictor is parametric (depends on which donkey). After 𝔏: restrictor is pure (donkey existentially bound inside).

                                              Cooper §8.5 identifies 𝔏 with the Ch. 7 purification operator 𝔓 (the same Σ-absorption of a parametric background into the property body). We encode the identification as abbrev so that Ch7 lemmas about purification automatically discharge Ch8 obligations about localization — the cross-chapter unification is true by construction, not a separate bridge theorem.

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                                                Universal localization: strong-donkey variant. Identical to Ch7's đ”“Êž.

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                                                      Localization lemmas (inherited from Ch7 purification) #

                                                      Because localize := purify and localizeUniv := purifyUniv, all witness-existence lemmas about purification carry over via Iff.rfl-style aliases. Cooper's claim that "the Ch8 localization mechanism is the Ch7 purification mechanism" is now true by construction.

                                                      theorem Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.localize_nonempty_iff {E : Type} (P : Semantics.TypeTheoretic.PPpty E) (a : E) :
                                                      Nonempty (localize P a) ↔ ∃ (c : P.Bg), Nonempty (P.fg c a)

                                                      Localization preserves truth: a localized property is witnessed iff the original is witnessable under some context.

                                                      theorem Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.localizeUniv_nonempty_iff {E : Type} (P : Semantics.TypeTheoretic.PPpty E) (a : E) :
                                                      Nonempty (localizeUniv P a) ↔ ∀ (c : P.Bg), Nonempty (P.fg c a)

                                                      Universal localization: witnessed iff property holds under all contexts.

                                                      Localizing a trivial parametric property adds only a Unit factor.

                                                      Bridge: weak and strong donkey readings agree when the parametric background is trivial. Corollary of donkey_readings_agree_when_pure.

                                                      "Every farmer who owns a donkey beats it" #

                                                      The classic donkey anaphora example. Two farmers, two donkeys; each farmer owns and beats a different donkey. This demonstrates:

                                                      1. Localization absorbs "a donkey" into the restrictor
                                                      2. Weak donkey (𝔏 = 𝔓) is true — each farmer owns/beats some donkey
                                                      3. Strong donkey (đ”Êž = đ”“Êž) fails — no farmer owns/beats every donkey
                                                      4. The divergence witnesses the non-triviality of donkey_readings_agree_when_pure

                                                      Individuals for the donkey example.

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                                                          The parametric property "farmer who owns a donkey [and beats it]". Background: a specific donkey d. Foreground: given d, x is a farmer who owns d and beats d.

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                                                            Farmer1 satisfies the weak donkey reading: owns and beats donkey1.

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                                                              Farmer2 satisfies the weak donkey reading: owns and beats donkey2.

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                                                                Strong donkey FAILS for farmer1: farmer1 doesn't own donkey2. This is the ∀-reading: every donkey d, farmer1 owns d ∧ beats d. Fails because farmer1 doesn't own donkey2.

                                                                Weak and strong donkey readings DIVERGE: weak is true, strong is false. This demonstrates that donkey_readings_agree_when_pure has a real hypothesis: when Bg is non-trivial (multiple donkeys), the readings genuinely differ.

                                                                TODO: Cooper's correct strong-donkey reading via 𝔓^∀ #

                                                                The previous formalisation here (localizeConditional + beatsParam + ownsGate + strongDonkeyConditional + farmer{1,2}_strong_conditional) was a formaliser-invented "conditional gate" mechanism attributing @cite{kanazawa-1994}'s strong-donkey reading to a third operator beyond 𝔏 and đ”Êž. Cooper's own §8.5 solution is 𝔓^∀ over a parametric property whose background contains the ownership constraint (not 𝔏 + a separate gate). The current farmerOwnsBeatsDonkey puts ownership in the foreground, so 𝔓^∀ over it misfires — but restructuring the property so that Bg carries the owning relation (a per-farmer indexed background) lets 𝔓^∀ produce the correct prediction directly.

                                                                Audit-verified gap (linguistics-domain-expert vs Cooper 2023 PDF, §8.5): the correct strong-donkey reconstruction is deferred until the indexed-background machinery for per-entity Bg is in place.

                                                                Reflexivization and anaphoric operations #

                                                                Ch8 introduces two operations for binding:

                                                                1. ℜ(P) (eq 84): Reflexivization — removes the reflexive marking (r-field) from the context and binds the reflexive pronoun to the subject variable in the domain of the property. Semantic effect: R(x,y) → R(x,x).

                                                                2. @_{i,j} (eq 28): Anaphoric combination — identifies assignment path j with path i, creating the anaphoric link between a pronoun and its antecedent. General mechanism for pronoun resolution.

                                                                The interplay creates complementary distribution:

                                                                Key connections #

                                                                Reflexivization: identify the two arguments of a binary relation. Ch8, eq (84): ℜ(P) removes the reflexive marking (r-field) from the context and replaces the dependency on the assignment variable đ”€.xᔹ with the domain variable r.x.

                                                                Semantic effect: a transitive verb R(x,y) becomes a reflexive VP R(x,x), forcing the object to corefer with the subject. "Sam likes himself" = ℜ(like)(Sam) = like(Sam, Sam).

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                                                                    Anaphoric resolution: resolve a parametric property's background using a function of the foreground argument. Captures the semantic effect of Cooper's @{i,j} (eq 28): @{i,j} identifies path đ”€.xⱌ with đ”€.xᔹ, creating the anaphoric link.

                                                                    • Reflexives: resolve = id (subject IS the referent) → same as ℜ
                                                                    • Pronouns: resolve = const(g(i)) (assignment provides referent)
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                                                                      theorem Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.reflexivize_forces_identity {E : Type} (R : E → E → Type) (x : E) :
                                                                      reflexivize R x = R x x

                                                                      ℜ forces argument identity: any witness of ℜ(R)(x) IS R(x,x). Cooper Ch8: the reflexive marking ensures the object slot is filled by the same individual as the subject.

                                                                      theorem Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.reflexivize_eq_resolve_id {E : Type} (R : E → E → Type) :
                                                                      reflexivize R = anaphoricResolve { Bg := E, fg := fun (y x : E) => R x y } id

                                                                      ℜ is anaphoric resolution with identity: reflexivization is the special case where the background (object referent) is resolved to equal the foreground argument (subject). ℜ(R) = anaphoricResolve(⟹E, λy x. R(x,y)⟩, id).

                                                                      theorem Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.resolve_const {E : Type} (R : E → E → Type) (y x : E) :
                                                                      anaphoricResolve { Bg := E, fg := fun (obj subj : E) => R subj obj } (fun (x : E) => y) x = R x y

                                                                      Pronoun resolution with constant: resolves to a fixed referent y regardless of the subject x. Captures @_{i,j} when the assignment g(i) = y is fixed from discourse context. "Sam likes him(=Bill)" = anaphoricResolve(like_param, const Bill)(Sam) = like(Sam, Bill).

                                                                      Binding in "Sam likes himself" / "Sam likes him" #

                                                                      Ch8, eqs (67)–(73): "Sam likes him" has two fields x and y for individuals (68a). When y=x, the fields are filled by the same individual (68b,c). Reflexivization ℜ forces this identification.

                                                                      The complementary distribution:

                                                                      Individuals for the binding example. Ch8: Sam is the subject; Bill is a potential non-local antecedent for "him".

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                                                                          "like" as a non-trivial binary relation. Sam likes everyone, Bill likes Kim and himself, Kim likes herself only. This makes binding witnesses non-trivially constrained: ℜ(like₈)(Kim) is inhabited but like₈.kim.sam is not, so reflexivization genuinely restricts which argument pairs are witnessable.

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                                                                            like₈ is non-trivial: not everyone likes everyone.

                                                                            "like" as parametric content: the object comes from background. Cooper Ch8, eq (69): the verb phrase "likes him" has the object's referent in the context (đ”€.x₀).

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                                                                              "Sam likes himself" via ℜ: Cooper Ch8, eq (84). ℜ(like)(Sam) = like(Sam, Sam).

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                                                                                "Sam likes him(=Bill)" via pronoun resolution: Cooper Ch8, eq (72). @_{0,1}(Sam, likes him) resolves "him" to Bill from context.

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                                                                                  ℜ forces coreference: the reflexive witness IS like(Sam, Sam).

                                                                                  Pronoun resolution gives like(Sam, Bill) — distinct arguments.

                                                                                  ℜ applied to likeParam is the same as reflexivize applied to like₈. This shows the parametric and direct formulations agree.

                                                                                  ℜ genuinely constrains: Kim can like herself (ℜ) but NOT Bill (pronoun resolution). This is non-trivial because like₈.kim.bill is Empty while like₈.kim.kim is PUnit.

                                                                                  Bridge to positional binding interface #

                                                                                  Connect TTR's semantic binding (ℜ / @_{i,j}) to the syntactic binding interface in Theories.Interfaces.SyntaxSemantics.Binding.

                                                                                  TTR's binding theory is semantic (argument identification via types), while BindingSemantics is syntactic (position-based binder–bindee relations). The bridge maps:

                                                                                  ℜ induces a binding relation: subject binds the reflexive object. Cooper Ch8, (81): S → NP VP | B(NP'(@VP')). The subject at position 0 binds "himself" at position 2.

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                                                                                    Binding config for "Sam likes himself": one local binding.

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                                                                                      The reflexive binding config is well-formed: no double binding, no self-binding, consistent indices.

                                                                                      Binding config for "Sam likes him": no local bindings, the pronoun at position 2 is a free variable.

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                                                                                        The pronominal config has no local bindings (Condition B).

                                                                                        Bridge: TTR ℜ maps to a non-trivial binding config (one binding), while @{i,j} pronoun resolution maps to an empty binding config. The semantic mechanism (ℜ vs @{i,j}) determines the syntactic binding structure.

                                                                                        Full Ch8 context #

                                                                                        Context evolves: eq 10 {q,𝔰,𝔮,đ”€,𝔠} → eq 74 adds đ”© → eq 82 adds 𝔯. Cntxt₈ encodes eq 82 (final). Earlier versions recoverable via đ”© := empty / 𝔯 := empty. Extends CntxtFull (Ch7, eq 122) with q/đ”©/𝔯.

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                                                                                          Eq 10 context: đ”© and 𝔯 both empty.

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                                                                                            Eq 74 context: 𝔯 empty.

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                                                                                              B(α): boundary operation, eq (77). Resets l-field at clause boundaries.

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                                                                                                def Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.anaphoricCombine₈ {E : Type} [Inhabited E] (i j : ℕ) (P Q : Cntxt₈ E → Type) :
                                                                                                Cntxt₈ E → Type

                                                                                                @_{i,j} with locality check, eq (76). Identifies 𝔰.xⱌ with 𝔰.xᔹ only when 𝔰.xᔹ is in the l-field.

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                                                                                                  theorem Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.boundary₈_clears_locality {E : Type} (c : Cntxt₈ E) (i : ℕ) :
                                                                                                  { q := c.q, 𝔰 := c.𝔰, đ”© := Core.PartialAssign.empty, 𝔯 := c.𝔯, 𝔮 := c.𝔮, đ”€ := c.đ”€, 𝔠 := c.𝔠 }.đ”© i = none

                                                                                                  "Sam thinks she is lucky" — B enables non-local pronoun binding. #

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                                                                                                      theorem Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.boundary_clears_for_nonlocal :
                                                                                                      (have __src := localCtx₈; { q := __src.q, 𝔰 := __src.𝔰, đ”© := Core.PartialAssign.empty, 𝔯 := __src.𝔯, 𝔮 := __src.𝔮, đ”€ := __src.đ”€, 𝔠 := __src.𝔠 }).đ”© 0 = none

                                                                                                      𝔄(T): anaphor-free filter, eq (85). Requires r-field empty.

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                                                                                                        def Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.reflexivize₈ {E : Type} (i : ℕ) (P : Cntxt₈ E → E → Type) :
                                                                                                        Cntxt₈ E → E → Type

                                                                                                        ℜ₈(P): full reflexivization, eq (84). Clears r-field and sets 𝔰(i) = x.

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                                                                                                          def Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.vpRule₈ {E : Type} (verb : Cntxt₈ E → E → E → Type) (np : Cntxt₈ E → E → Type) :
                                                                                                          Cntxt₈ E → E → Type

                                                                                                          VP → V NP | 𝔄(V'(@NP')), eq (88).

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                                                                                                            theorem Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.reflexivize₈_agrees_with_simple {E : Type} (R : E → E → Type) (x : E) :
                                                                                                            reflexivize₈ 0 (fun (x : Cntxt₈ E) (a : E) => R a a) Cntxt₈.initial x = reflexivize R x

                                                                                                            ℜ₈ agrees with simplified ℜ when P ignores the context.

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                                                                                                            eq (20).

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                                                                                                              𝔖(T): underspecification closure, eq (89). 7 clauses: base, localize, reflexivize, align, anaphoric, store, retrieve.

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                                                                                                                N-quantifier scope #

                                                                                                                N quantifiers yield N! scope readings. Scope orderings are lists of Fin n; list order = retrieval order (head = outermost).

                                                                                                                structure Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.NQuantScope (E : Type) (n : ℕ) :

                                                                                                                N-quantifier scope: n-ary relation + n quantifiers.

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                                                                                                                  def Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.NQuantScope.nestQuants {E : Type} {n : ℕ} (s : NQuantScope E n) :
                                                                                                                  List (Fin n) → (Fin n → E) → Type

                                                                                                                  Nest quantifiers: head = outermost, tail = innermost.

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                                                                                                                    A scope ordering: a permutation of Fin n as a list.

                                                                                                                    • order : List (Fin n)
                                                                                                                    • complete : self.order.length = n
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                                                                                                                      def Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.NQuantScope.readingAt {E : Type} {n : ℕ} (s : NQuantScope E n) (σ : ScopeOrdering n) (default : E) :
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                                                                                                                        def Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.NQuantScope.𝔖 {E : Type} {n : ℕ} (s : NQuantScope E n) (default : E) :
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                                                                                                                                "Someone gave every child a present" — 3 quantifiers, 6 readings. #

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                                                                                                                                                  Cross-sentential anaphora #

                                                                                                                                                  "A man walked. He whistled." — eqs (37)-(44). The pronoun resolves to the indefinite via discourse merge: previous sentence's foreground becomes current sentence's background under label 𝔭.

                                                                                                                                                  Discourse merge, eqs (40)-(41).

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                                                                                                                                                    def Studies.Anaphora.Cooper2023.Ch8.crossSententialResolve {E : Type} {P : E → Type} (prev : (x : E) × P x) :
                                                                                                                                                    E

                                                                                                                                                    Cross-sentential resolution, eqs (42)-(44): 𝔰.x₀ = ⇑𝔭.e.x

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                                                                                                                                                        @[implicit_reducible]
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                                                                                                                                                          "No dog which chases a cat catches it" #

                                                                                                                                                          Eqs (46)-(55): negation + localization + path alignment.

                                                                                                                                                          Path alignment, eq (52): φ_{π₁=π₂} replaces path π₁ with π₂.

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                                                                                                                                                            @[implicit_reducible]
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                                                                                                                                                            "no" quantifier: ∀x. restr(x) → ¬scope(x).

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                                                                                                                                                              TRUE when no dog catches the cat it chases.

                                                                                                                                                              FALSE when every dog catches the cat it chases.

                                                                                                                                                              Negation donkey uses 𝔏 (same mechanism as classic donkey).