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Linglib.Phenomena.WordOrder.Studies.BroekhuisCorver2026

Broekhuis & Corver (2026): Adpositions in Dutch #

@cite{broekhuis-corver-2026} @cite{dendikken-2010} @cite{svenonius-2010}

The four-way surface classification of Dutch adpositions (preP, postP, circumP, intransitive particle) is argued to be epiphenomenal: all derive from underlying prePs via movement within a PP-internal functional projection.

Core empirical generalizations #

  1. PostPs ⊆ PrePs — every postP can also be a preP (§6)
  2. PreP = locational; PostP = directional (§2.2, ex. 21–23)
  3. Morphologically complex PrePs block R-pronominalization (§2.1, ex. 20)
  4. PostPs/circumPs cannot take adjectival or clausal complements (§2.2)
  5. Dutch resists P-stranding; R-pronouns can be extracted (§5.2)

Theoretical analysis (§6, ex. 62/64) #

All four surface orders derive from [FP _ F [PP P DP/PP]]:

The key distinction is WHAT moves (DP → postP; PP/R-pronoun → circumP), not whether F is overt. See MovedConstituent.

Cross-references #

Surface order of P and its complement. @cite{broekhuis-corver-2026} §6, ex. 62/64: all four derive from the same underlying structure [FP _ F [PP P DP/PP]].

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      What constituent moves to Spec,FP to produce a non-canonical order. @cite{broekhuis-corver-2026} §6 ex. 64: the crucial distinction is WHAT moves — DP yields postP, PP/R-pronoun yields circumP.

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          PostP = DP to Spec,FP (semantically conditioned — directional).

          CircumP = PP/R-pronoun to Spec,FP (default for PP complements).

          Derive available surface orders from an adposition's distributional properties.

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            @cite{broekhuis-corver-2026} §2.2 (p.9): "it seems that postPs and circumPs differ from prePs in that they are incapable of selecting adjectival or clausal complements."

            The locational/directional distinction maps onto the Place/Path cartographic heads in the Extended Projection framework. Locational PPs are [PlaceP Place [PP P DP]] (truncated EP); directional PPs add PathP: [PathP Path [PlaceP Place [PP P DP]]] (full adpositional EP).

            Locational PPs correspond to truncated adpositional EPs.

            @cite{broekhuis-corver-2026} §2.2 ex. 22: directional de heuvel op takes zijn (be), locational op de heuvel takes hebben (have). This connects through PathShape → telicity → unaccusativity → auxiliary selection.

            All directional adpositions in the inventory carry a PathShape.

            PostP-capable adpositions are directional (and locational).

            PostP-capable adpositions have a PathShape.

            End-to-end chain for op: directional → bounded path → telic. @cite{broekhuis-corver-2026} §2.2 ex. 22: De fietser is de heuvel op gereden "The cyclist rode onto the hill" — zijn (be) because directional postP op denotes a bounded path, which is telic.

            End-to-end: telic → unaccusative → zijn (be) in Dutch. Dutch has a split auxiliary system; unaccusative (telic change-of-state) verbs select zijn, matching @cite{broekhuis-corver-2026}'s ex. 22.

            @cite{broekhuis-corver-2026} §5.2: Dutch resists P-stranding for DP complements (ex. 53: ✱Janᵢ heeft Els niet [PP op tᵢ] gewacht), but allows R-pronoun extraction (ex. 54: Daar <op> heeft Els niet <op> gewacht) and postPP complement extraction (ex. 58b-c).

            This three-way extraction asymmetry follows from the movement analysis:
            - PrePPs: DP is in base position (complement of P) → extraction blocked
            - R-pronouns: already PP-internally moved → can be further extracted
            - PostPPs: DP is in Spec,FP → higher position → extraction possible 
            

            Extraction possibility from different PP types.

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                P-stranding is blocked for DP complements of prePPs.

                Complement extraction from postPPs is possible.

                The extraction asymmetry: prePP blocks DP extraction but postPP allows it. This follows from the movement analysis — in postPPs the DP is already in Spec,FP (a higher, extraction-friendly position).

                R-pronominalization-blocking Ps cannot be postPs. Complex Ps lack the internal functional structure needed for complement movement.

                Dutch is classified as a preposition language in WALS (F85A). This is consistent with @cite{broekhuis-corver-2026}'s analysis: the base order is always P-DP (preP); postP/circumP are derived by movement, not by a different head-direction parameter.

                Dutch is classified as prepositional in WALS Ch 85, via the substrate Typology.Adposition.AdpositionOrder.ofWALS lookup (Dutch ISO 639-3 = nld; the WALS-internal code is dut).

                @cite{dendikken-1995} analyzes verbal particles as P heads of small clauses. @cite{broekhuis-corver-2026}'s intransitive adpositions include the same elements: op, in, uit, af, etc.

                af is exclusively intransitive (circumP second element / particle).

                @cite{dendikken-1995} PVC predicate category is P — matching the category of intransitive adpositions in the fragment.

                @cite{broekhuis-corver-2026} §2.1 ex. 19–20: simplex prePs allow R-pronominalization (er op, daar in), but morphologically complex prePs (tijdens, ondanks, zonder) resist it.