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Linglib.Phenomena.WordOrder.Studies.AlexeyenkoZeijlstra2025

Linearization of Complex Modifiers: (Dis)obeying the Head-Final Filter #

@cite{alexeyenko-zeijlstra-2025}

The Head-Final Filter (HFF, Williams 1982) states that prenominal modifiers must not contain post-head material. @cite{alexeyenko-zeijlstra-2025} show that the HFF both overgenerates (Greek and Russian allow A–XP–N) and undergenerates (Basque and Chácobo display mirror-HFF effects).

They propose the Modifier-Noun Adjacency Generalization (MAG) (34): an XP can intervene between N and its modifying adjective A only if

(a) A has an overt agreement marker that is also present on the predicative form of A and specified for all φ/κ-features in the DP, or (b) A has an overt attributive marker morphophonologically independent of A (adjectival clitic or free word) or forming a morphophonological unit with N.

The MAG is derived from two independent factors:

  1. Feature composition (§5.1): φ/κ-completeness of adjectives determines whether an attributivizer is needed for modification
  2. Morphophonological status of Attr (§5.2): affixal Attr must be adjacent to its host (ICP, @cite{ackema-neeleman-2004}), while clitic/free-word Attr imposes no adjacency

We formalize the MAG as a decision procedure matching the paper's decision trees (44)/(45), encode 24 languages from Table 3, and verify that the MAG correctly predicts all of them while the HFF fails for 11. Bridge theorems connect to WALS F87A and Minimalist feature infrastructure.

@cite{ackema-neeleman-2004}'s ICP — used by AZ 2025 §5.2 as the morphophonological factor of the MAG. Was previously in Theories/Morphology/ Core/ICP.lean; relocated 0.230.455 (sole consumer is this study file).

The ICP constrains the phonological realization of affixes: an affix must take as its phonological host the head of the phrase it selects. Affixes are always linearly adjacent to their syntactic selectee.

When the attributivizer (Attr) is realized as an affix, the ICP forces it to be adjacent to the adjective head A — dependents of A (PPs, CPs, AdvPs) cannot linearly intervene between A and N. When Attr is a clitic or free word, the ICP does not apply. For null affixes, the Affix Continuity Constraint (Ackema-Neeleman §70) extends the ICP.

Does the morphophonological status of Attr impose adjacency between Attr and the adjective head? The ICP applies to affixes (overt and null); clitics and free words are not constrained.

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    When adjacency is imposed, dependents of A cannot intervene between A and the modified N. This is the morphophonological factor of the MAG.

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      Does the combination of adjective position and AP-internal direction create a configuration where XP could intervene between A and N? Prenominal A–XP–N requires head-initial AP; postnominal N–XP–A requires head-final AP. This is the prerequisite checked at the top of both decision trees (44) and (45).

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        MAG condition (a) (34a): adjectives have identical, fully specified φ/κ-agreement in both predicative and attributive use.

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          MAG condition (b) (34b): the attributivizer is morphophonologically independent of the adjective.

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            MAG licensing: does the language's morphosyntax permit intervention when geometry supports it? Disjunction of conditions (a) and (b).

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              MAG prediction: intervention is observed iff geometry exists AND MAG conditions license it.

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                Decision tree (44), p. 24: Is A–XP–N possible in prenominal APs?

                1. Is AP-internal order head-initial (A–XP)? NO → trivially HFF (Japanese)
                2. Are pred & attr φ/κ-complete? YES → intervention OK (Greek)
                3. Is Attr a clitic/free word? YES → intervention OK (Tagalog) NO → adjacency forced (German, English)
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                  Decision tree (45), p. 25: Is N–XP–A possible in postnominal APs? Mirror of (44).

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                    Greek: pred & attr identically inflected for gender, number, case (37). Both are fully φ/κ-specified. MAG(a).

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                      Russian: long forms fully φ/κ-marked; used in both pred & attr positions. Short forms are pred-only and irrelevant (Table 4). (24), (39). MAG(a).

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                        Bulgarian: affixal agreement, pred & attr identical for φ/κ. MAG(a).

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                          Polish: fully inflected pred & attr, like Russian. MAG(a).

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                            Lithuanian: affixal φ/κ-agreement on pred & attr alike. MAG(a).

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                              Latin: full φ/κ-marking (gender, number, case) in both pred and attr uses. Both pre- and postnominal. (35). MAG(a).

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                                Mandarin: no φ-agreement; attributivizer 的 (de) cliticizes to AP. (26). MAG(b).

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                                  Tagalog: no φ-agreement; attributivizer -ng/na is a clitic. Both pre- and postnominal. (27). MAG(b).

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                                    German: pred adjectives bare, attr carry agreement affix (38, 60–63). predAttrSameAgreement = false (pred bare, attr inflected).

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                                      English: no overt agreement on adjectives. Null Attr evidenced by distributional parallels with Dutch (§5.2.3). (71).

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                                        Dutch: attr schwa -e (overt) or null (indef neut sg), both affixal. Pred adjectives bare (64). (65)–(68), Table 6.

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                                          Icelandic: strong/weak distinction. Pred = strong only; attr = strong (indef) or weak (def). Attr forms carry definiteness features absent from pred forms → pred ≠ attr. (40)–(42), Table 5.

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                                            Serbo-Croatian: short (pred only) vs long (pred/attr, definiteness). Attr long forms encode definiteness absent from short pred forms → pred ≠ attr featurally. (21), (43).

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                                              Hungarian: bare pred adjectives, no overt attr agreement. (18).

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                                                Georgian: HFF-obeying, null Attr. (17).

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                                                  Armenian (Modern Eastern): HFF-obeying, null Attr. (20).

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                                                    Italian: postnominal primary, head-initial APs → no N–XP–A geometry. φ-agreement (gender, number) but no κ (case) on adjectives → agreementPhiKappaComplete = false. (36), (72).

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                                                      Japanese: strictly head-final APs → no post-head material to create A–XP–N geometry. Trivially HFF-obeying (§2.2).

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                                                        Basque: postnominal, head-final. Complex attr APs blocked; must use relative clause with -en. (3), (28).

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                                                          Chácobo (Panoan): postnominal, head-final. Complex attr APs impossible; relativize with =ka(to) instead. (29).

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                                                            Eastern Oromo: postnominal, head-final. Complex attr APs blocked; must use dependent clause marker. (30).

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                                                              Farsi: postnominal, head-final. Ezafe cliticizes to NP (33). MAG(b).

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                                                                Atong (Sino-Tibetan): postnominal, head-final. Clitic attributivizer =gaba/=aw. (32). MAG(b).

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                                                                  Kalaallisut (West Greenlandic): postnominal, head-final. Full affixal φ/κ-agreement; pred & attr identically specified. (31). MAG(a).

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                                                                          The MAG correctly predicts all 24 languages in Table 3.

                                                                          Greek uses MAG(a) alone: φ/κ-complete, no clitic Attr.

                                                                          Mandarin uses MAG(b) alone: clitic 的, no φ/κ-agreement.

                                                                          Kalaallisut uses MAG(a) alone despite affixal Attr: φ/κ-complete agreement overrides affix adjacency.

                                                                          German fails BOTH conditions: pred ≠ attr AND Attr is affix.

                                                                          MAG(a) failure modes are distinct. German fails because pred ≠ attr (clause 1); Italian fails because agreement is not κ-complete (clause 2, no case on adjectives). Both have geometry.

                                                                          Languages where geometry exists but intervention IS observed — exactly those satisfying MAG(a) or MAG(b). The HFF (+ mirror) incorrectly blocks all of them.

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                                                                            HFF overgenerates for Greek: blocks A–XP–N but it is observed.

                                                                            HFF overgenerates for Mandarin: clitic 的 licenses A–XP–N.

                                                                            HFF undergenerates for Basque: mirror-HFF effects exist but the original HFF cannot state them (postnominal APs).

                                                                            English "enough" (15)–(16): a genuine HFF exception. Post-adjectival degree modifier that CAN precede the noun: "a tall enough guy." In the MAG analysis, DegP headed by "enough" intervenes between Attr and A; this is possible because null Attr (when DegP heads the extended AP) attaches to DegP, not A (69b).

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                                                                              Russian: fragment confirms pred = attr (long forms identical).

                                                                              Italian: fragment confirms pred = attr (both carry φ).

                                                                              Kalaallisut uses direct modification despite affixal Attr: φ/κ-complete agreement means Attr is not needed structurally.

                                                                              German: affixal Attr → ICP blocks intervention.

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