Documentation

Linglib.Phenomena.TenseAspect.Studies.Schlenker2004

@cite{schlenker-2004-sot}: Sequence phenomena and double access readings generalized #

@cite{schlenker-2004-sot} @cite{schlenker-2003} @cite{kaplan-1989} @cite{von-stechow-2009}

Context-tower formalization of embedded tense in the @cite{schlenker-2004-sot} chapter (The Syntax of Time, Lecarme & Guéron eds., MIT Press) — the tense-specific application of the monster-context framework introduced in @cite{schlenker-2003}'s A Plea for Monsters. The core insight: embedded tense is modeled as a temporalShift on a ContextTower, and the embedded clause's perspective time is read from the shifted (innermost) context. Indexical-rigid expressions read from .origin (@cite{kaplan-1989}'s thesis); shifted expressions read from .local.

@cite{klecha-2016} cites the @cite{schlenker-2004-sot} chapter (not the 2003 L&P paper) as the variant of this analysis that "does not depend on morphosyntactic labels" (PDF p. 33).

Provenance #

This file was previously misnamed Studies/Abusch1997.lean, then renamed to Studies/Schlenker2003.lean in 0.230.452. The 0.230.453 audit identified that the file's content (ContextTower + temporalShift + presentAccess.depth = .origin + the Kaplan-stable origin theorem) is the tense-specific application in Schlenker's MIT Press chapter, not the more general indexicals work in the L&P paper. Renamed accordingly. The general-indexicals content is at Phenomena/Reference/Studies/Schlenker2003.lean.

Derivation Chain #

Core.Context.Tower (ContextTower, push, innermost, origin)
    ↓
Core.Context.Shifts (temporalShift: changes time, preserves agent/world)
    ↓
This file: tower operations produce the Reichenbach frames in HeimKratzer1998Data.lean
    ↓
Phenomena.TenseAspect (matrixSaid, embeddedSickSimultaneous, etc.; data lives in Studies/HeimKratzer1998Data.lean)

Key Results #

  1. Root clause = root tower: contextAt 0 = origin, so P = S (speech time)
  2. SOT embedding = temporal shift: temporalShift(matrixEventTime) produces the embedded perspective time P' = E_matrix
  3. Double access = origin reading: present-under-past reads time from .origin (speech time), not .local (matrix event time) — Kaplan's thesis
  4. Tower depth = embedding depth: one attitude verb = depth 1; nested attitudes = depth 2+
@[reducible, inline]

A minimal tense context: world, agent, position, and time (as ℤ).

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    The speech-act context: time = 0 (speech time).

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      In a root tower, the innermost context IS the origin. Therefore P = S (perspective time = speech time), which is the defining property of root clauses in the Reichenbach framework.

      Root tower has depth 0.

      "John said..." pushes a temporal shift: the matrix event time (-2) becomes the embedded clause's perspective time.

      This models @cite{von-stechow-2009}: the attitude verb transmits its event time to the embedded clause.

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        After the temporal shift, the embedded perspective time is the matrix event time (-2), not the speech time (0). This is the SOT mechanism: embedded tense is evaluated relative to the matrix event time.

        The temporal shift doesn't change the origin — speech time is still 0. This is Kaplan's thesis: the speech-act context is invariant under embedding.

        SOT tower has depth 1 (one embedding).

        The embedded perspective time (-2) equals the matrix event time in matrixSaid. This is the end-to-end bridge: tower operation → Reichenbach frame.

        The simultaneous reading: embedded R' = embedded P = matrix E = -2. This matches embeddedSickSimultaneous.perspectiveTime.

        "John said Mary IS sick" (present-under-past): the present tense in the embedded clause reads from the ORIGIN (speech time), not from the shifted context. This is the double-access reading: the embedded present anchors to speech time despite being under a past matrix verb.

        Tower model: the embedded present uses DepthSpec.origin for its temporal coordinate, reading time = 0 from the origin.

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          Present-under-past reads speech time (0), not matrix event time (-2).

          The embedded present's time (0) matches the speech time in embeddedSickPresent. End-to-end: tower origin access → Reichenbach frame perspective time.

          The shifted reading ("Mary WAS sick before John said so") reads from the LOCAL (innermost) context. The embedded past tense evaluates its reference time relative to the shifted perspective time.

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            Shifted reading reads matrix event time (-2) from the innermost context.

            Kaplan's thesis formalized: an origin-accessing expression yields the same value regardless of how many shifts are pushed. The speech time is invariant under SOT embedding.

            "John said that Mary believed that Bill was sick" — double embedding. Two temporal shifts: first to John's saying time (-2), then to Mary's believing time (-4).

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              Double embedding has depth 2.

              The innermost context in a doubly-embedded clause reads the most deeply shifted time (-4).

              Even under double embedding, the origin (speech time) is preserved.

              Double access still works at depth 2: present-under-past-under-past reads from the origin.

              @cite{abusch-1997}'s doubleAccess p speechTime matrixEventTime predicate (p speechTime ∧ p matrixEventTime, formalized in Studies/Abusch1997.lean) and @cite{schlenker-2004-sot}'s presentAccess.depth = .origin mechanism agree on the speech-time component of the Double Access Reading: both make embedded present require truth at speech time.

              Schlenker's mechanism reads the time from .origin (= speech time); Abusch's mechanism asserts the property holds at speech time. Different conceptual moves, same value-level prediction. The bridge makes the agreement on the speech-time conjunct kernel-checked.

              Phase F bridge — Schlenker-Abusch on the speech-time component of Double Access: Schlenker's .origin reading discharges the first conjunct of @cite{abusch-1997}'s doubleAccess.

              Substrate-level bridge from @cite{schlenker-2004-sot}'s tower-shift framework to @cite{abusch-1997}'s TimeConcept substrate (Theories/Semantics/Tense/DeRe.lean). Both formalisms resolve against the same KContext substrate (= TenseCtx); the substrate's Intension.IsRigid predicate distinguishes Kaplan-stable readings (Schlenker's presentAccess, origin depth) from shifted readings (shiftedAccess, local depth).

              @cite{schlenker-2004-sot} (§0, p. 5) explicitly positions the
              SOT chapter as "developing a somewhat generalized version of the
              theory of Abusch 1997, and especially of her Upper Limit
              Constraint." This bridge makes that relationship substrate-level
              structural: both frameworks discriminate Kaplan-stable from
              shifted via `Intension.IsRigid`, and `IsRigid.map` lifts
              the discrimination uniformly across `Res` types — so the
              parallel with @cite{anand-nevins-2004}'s Kaplan-compliant vs
              shifted indexicals at `Res = Agent`
              (`Phenomena/Reference/Studies/AnandNevins2004.lean`) is
              substrate-level visible.
              
              **Caveat on the underlying formalization**: the tower-depth
              framework above is a substantial simplification of
              @cite{schlenker-2004-sot}'s actual SOT mechanism. Per §1.3
              (def. 22), Schlenker's mechanism uses *morphological-agreement
              rules* whose features can be semantically invisible — the
              embedded tense's `<he, past, ind>` triple is transmitted
              morphologically without semantic interpretation in many cases,
              leaving the truth-conditions to come from the embedded context's
              coordinates. The substrate-level discrimination formalized here
              corresponds to the *idealized* case where access depth determines
              the reading directly, suppressing the morphological-agreement
              layer. The DAR analysis Schlenker develops in §2.2 ("Extending
              Abusch's Account: the Generalized Upper Limit Constraint", p. 22+)
              further builds on presupposition-failure conditions in attitude
              contexts (Schlenker eqs. 38, 40) generalizing Abusch's ULC to
              mood; that's also out of scope for the current substrate bridge. 
              

              @cite{schlenker-2004-sot}'s presentAccess (origin reading) as a rigid TimeConcept: the Kaplan-stable origin reading IS the constant intension at speech time. Both formalisms encode Kaplan's thesis at the substrate level — Schlenker via tower .origin access, Abusch via Intension.rigid.

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                @cite{schlenker-2004-sot}'s shiftedAccess (local reading) as a non-rigid TimeConcept: the local-context reading IS the time-projection function (·.time) — non-rigid because it varies with whatever context is plugged in. Substrate-level analog of @cite{anand-nevins-2004}'s shiftedI = (·.agent), transposed from Res = Agent to Res = ℤ.

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                  Bridge: presentAccess.resolve sotTower IS schlenkerPresent evaluated at any context. The rigid-concept value is constant — both Schlenker's tower .origin mechanism and Abusch's Intension.rigid predict the same value (= speech time).

                  Bridge: shiftedAccess.resolve sotTower IS schlenkerShifted evaluated at the innermost (locally-shifted) context. Both Schlenker's tower .local mechanism and the substrate's (·.time) projection predict the same value (= matrix event time).

                  schlenkerPresent is rigid (Kaplan-stable). Substrate-level witness for the SOT chapter's origin-access mechanism.

                  schlenkerShifted is non-rigid (the SOT chapter's shifted reading varies with context). Discriminating witness: contexts with different .time fields (speech time 0 vs matrix event time −2).

                  Cross-framework value-coincidence on the simultaneous SOT value: @cite{schlenker-2004-sot}'s shiftedAccess.resolve sotTower and @cite{abusch-1997}'s abusch_derives_simultaneous_via_binding (applied with matrixSaid as the matrix frame) yield the SAME value (= matrixSaid.eventTime = -2).

                  Caveat: This is a value-coincidence, not a mechanism agreement. Both sides equal matrixSaid.eventTime by construction (Schlenker's .local reading IS the matrix event time; Abusch's bound-tense IS bound to it). The theorem documents that the two frameworks predict the same surface value at the simultaneous SOT case — but they do so via genuinely different mechanisms (Schlenker via context-shift on the tower, Abusch via variable-binding on the temporal assignment), and a deeper bridge theorem comparing the paths through each mechanism would be substantively different from this output-coincidence theorem.

                  Per @cite{schlenker-2004-sot} §0 p. 5, the value-coincidence on basic SOT cases is by design: Schlenker explicitly proposes "a somewhat generalized version of the theory of Abusch 1997". Genuine divergence between the two would show up in cases (DAR, modals, multiple embedding) where Schlenker's morphological- agreement apparatus and Abusch's res-movement make different predictions — not yet substrate-formalized.

                  Architectural alignment via Intension.IsRigid functoriality: the substrate's Intension.IsRigid predicate distinguishes Kaplan-stable from shifted readings uniformly across all three frameworks at the substrate level. The same closure lemmas (IsRigid.map, IsRigid.precomp, IsRigid.of_map_injective from Core/Logic/Intensional/Rigidity.lean) apply uniformly:

                  FrameworkKaplan-stableShifted
                  @cite{schlenker-2004-sot}schlenkerPresentschlenkerShifted
                  @cite{abusch-1997}rigid TimeConceptbound TimeConcept
                  @cite{anand-nevins-2004}kaplanI (Agent)shiftedI (Agent)

                  All three rows discriminate via Intension.IsRigid. By Intension.IsRigid.map, rigidity transfers across Res types via any function — so the cross-Res-type parallel between Schlenker's tower analysis (Res = ℤ), Abusch's res-movement (Res = ℤ), and Anand-Nevins's operator-shift (Res = Agent) is structurally one phenomenon (Kaplan-stable-vs-shifted) realized at different Res types via different syntactic mechanisms.

                  The witness here bundles schlenkerPresent_isRigid and schlenkerShifted_not_isRigid; the SAME Intension.IsRigid predicate proves both at Res = ℤ, parallel to how kaplanI_isRigid and shiftedI_not_isRigid prove it at Res = Agent in Studies/AnandNevins2004.lean.

                  Intension functoriality applied to Schlenker: rigidity of schlenkerPresent transfers across Res types via any function g : ℤ → α, by Intension.IsRigid.map. So Schlenker's Kaplan-stability is preserved by the substrate's functoriality just as @cite{anand-nevins-2004}'s kaplanI is — both are instances of the same architectural pattern.