@cite{krifka-1998} The Origins of Telicity #
K98's two distinctive contributions, formalized end-to-end:
- Part I — §3 Incrementality (CUM/QUA propagation through SINC/INC verbs; Vendler classification; for/in diagnostics).
- Part II — §4 Movement (path/movement extension of mereological telicity: a movement event is telic iff its path is bounded; EXP / SEINC / ADJ / SMR / MovementClosure / MR propositional substrate).
The substrate predicates (SUM, UO, UE, MO, MSO, MSE, GUE, SINC, INC,
CumTheta — K98 §3.2 eq. 43-52, eq. 59) live in
Theories/Semantics/Events/{Incrementality,ThematicRoleProperties}.lean;
the σ-trace pullback machinery in Theories/Semantics/Spatial/Trace.lean.
This file exercises both on the English fragment and inlines the §4
movement-relation predicates (formerly in
Theories/Semantics/Events/MovementRelations.lean).
Main definitions #
Part I (§3 incrementality):
- Per-verb
*_sinc/*_inc/*_cumOnlytripwire theorems - VendlerClass → MereoTag bridge via
Telicity.toMereoTag eat_two_apples_qua_propositional/eat_apples_cum_propositional— K98 §3.3 propagation invoked on abstract θIsSincVerb (eatThemeToy)instance + applied propagation theorems (the constructive witness that the typeclass admits non-axiomatic realizations)- K89 ↔ K98 sister-paper refinement bridge (uses
K89ThematicClass.toVerbIncClassfromStudies/Krifka1989.lean)
Part II (§4 movement):
EXP/SEINC/ADJ/SMR— K98 §4 propositional predicatesMovementClosure/MR— K98 §4.3 closure substrate (TANG_H-free)expEv/seincEv/smrPath/mrPath—Event TimeinstantiationsMotionVPDatum/motionData— Bool-tag-level VP datawalked_from_to_telic_propositional/walked_towards_atelic_propositional— σ-pullback theorems backing the K98 §4.5 walked from X to Y / walked towards X analyses
TODO #
- TEL substrate: K98 §2.5 eq. 37 defines TEL strictly weaker than
QUA. Linglib's
Telicity.toMereoTag .telic = .quacollapse is an approximation; a faithful TEL would need INI/FIN initial/final-part predicates over events. - TANG_H tangentiality (K98 eq. 17) on directed paths. Without it,
MRadmits telekinetic non-meeting concatenations (K98 eq. 70.c). Adding TANG_H requires aDirectedPathsubstrate not yet in linglib. - Cross-dimensional movements (K98 §4.6: heat, bake, whip — eq. 76-77).
Structurally identical to spatial movements; require the same
DirectedPathgeneralization. - Full ADJ axioms on adjacency (K98 §2.3 eq. 14.b). The concrete
Path.adjacent+Event.adjacentsatisfy them but the propositional theorems are not added. cumOnlyis the formaliser's term, not K98's. K98 distinguishes verbs that are merely cumulative (CUM, eq. 44) without strict incrementality (¬SINC, ¬MSE). TheVerbIncClass.cumOnlyconstructor name is anachronistic shorthand.
What this file is NOT #
- Not a critique of K98's classification — that's
Studies/Filip2012.lean(three-way CUM / QUA / ¬CUM ∧ ¬QUA via K98 §3.3 propagation). - Not a fragment-only verb-annotation file — fragment annotations in
Fragments/English/Predicates/Verbal.leanare tested per-verb here as a tripwire layer.
References #
- @cite{krifka-1998} (primary, both §3 and §4 covered)
- @cite{krifka-1989} (sister paper:
Studies/Krifka1989.lean) - @cite{vendler-1957} (Vendler classes used in Part I § 6)
- @cite{filip-2012} (downstream critique:
Studies/Filip2012.lean)
Per-Verb Incrementality Verification #
Each verb's verbIncClass annotation is verified by rfl. Changing
any annotation breaks exactly one theorem here. These earn their
place as fragment-annotation tripwires; mathlib would call them
examples, but as theorems they're discoverable via #check.
"eat" is strictly incremental (consumption: bijective theme-event map).
"devour" is strictly incremental (consumption variant of eat).
"build" is strictly incremental (creation: bijective theme-event map).
"write" is strictly incremental (creation verb).
"read" is incremental but not strictly so (allows re-reading per K98 §3.6).
"push" is cumulative only (no incremental theme — the formaliser's "cumOnly" is shorthand; K98 calls it CUM-without-MSE/MSO).
"pull" is cumulative only.
"carry" is cumulative only.
"drag" is cumulative only.
Intransitives have no incremental theme.
Unaccusatives have no incremental theme.
Contact verbs have no incremental theme.
Per-Verb Vendler Class Verification #
"sleep" is a state.
"run" is an activity.
"arrive" is an achievement.
"eat" is an accomplishment (with quantized object).
"build" is an accomplishment.
"read" is an accomplishment.
"write" is an accomplishment.
"kick" is an activity (semelfactive/contact).
"see" is a state (perception).
"leave" is an achievement.
"push" is an activity.
"love" is a state.
VendlerClass → MereoTag Bridge #
These connect the Vendler classification to K89's CUM/QUA distinction
via Telicity.toMereoTag. The chain is:
VendlerClass → Telicity → MereoTag → CUM/QUA mereological property.
**Caveat: TEL ⊃ QUA in K98, but collapsed here.** K98 §2.5 (eq. 37,
page 9) defines TEL_E (telicity) strictly weaker than QUA
(quantization): every QUA predicate is TEL, but not every TEL
predicate is QUA (K98 gives the run-time-3-4pm counterexample on
page 9). The `Telicity.toMereoTag .telic = .qua` collapse used here
is faithful for the typical Vendler-class accomplishments and
achievements (which are both TEL and QUA), but a complete K98
formalization would need a separate propositional `TEL` predicate
distinct from `QUA`. Adding `def TEL` requires INI/FIN initial/final-
part predicates over events, which linglib's K98 theory doesn't
house — deferred.
Accomplishments are telic, hence (under the TEL = QUA collapse) QUA.
Achievements are telic, hence QUA.
Activities are atelic, hence CUM.
States are atelic, hence CUM.
Compositional Telicity (VP = verb + NP) #
The payoff: verb incrementality + NP reference property → VP telicity. These instantiate K98 §3.3 (eq. 53-54) for concrete verb entries.
Round-1 audit additions: propositional invocations of K98 theory's
`cum_propagation` and `qua_propagation` on abstract θ instances
(parallel to K89 study §3's `qmod_of_cum_is_qua` calls), making the
Bool-tag conjunctions below into substrate-honest derivations
rather than stipulated `⟨rfl, rfl⟩`.
"eat apples": sinc verb + CUM NP → CUM VP (atelic). K98 §3.3: CumTheta(θ) ∧ CUM(OBJ) → CUM(VP θ OBJ). The verb's incrementality class is sinc, and bare plurals are CUM.
"eat two apples": sinc verb + QUA NP → QUA VP (telic). K98 §3.3: SINC(θ) ∧ QUA(OBJ) → QUA(VP θ OBJ). The verb's incrementality class is sinc, and "two apples" is QUA.
"build a house": sinc verb + QUA NP → QUA VP (telic).
"read the book": inc verb + QUA NP → VP is telic (INC is weaker than SINC, but still transmits QUA from NP to VP when the object is quantized, K98 §3.6).
"push the cart": cumOnly verb → no telicity transfer from NP. Regardless of the NP's reference property, cumOnly verbs yield atelic (CUM) VPs.
"write a letter": sinc verb + QUA NP → QUA VP (telic).
§4.5 Propositional propagation invocations (typeclass form) #
The Bool-tag conjunctions above check fragment annotations and tag
composition; the theorems below actually invoke K98 theory's
`cum_propagation` and `qua_propagation` (typeclass-canonical
forms) on abstract θ + OBJ instances. This is the same shape as
K89 study §3's calls of `qmod_of_cum_is_qua` — making the
substrate-bridge promise concrete rather than rhetorical.
eat apples propositional: K98 §3.3 CUM propagation. Given any
[IsCumThetaVerb θ] (eat's role — and any of the K98 verb classes
via upward instances) and a CUM object (apples), VP is CUM.
eat two apples propositional: K98 §3.3 QUA propagation. Given
[IsSincVerb θ] (eat's role, bundling SINC + UP) and a QUA
object (two apples), VP is QUA.
Diagnostic Bridge #
Connect CUM/QUA → for/in diagnostic compatibility. Atelic (CUM) VPs accept "for X"; telic (QUA) VPs accept "in X".
Round-1 audit deletions: 6 per-verb `inXPrediction .X = .accept := rfl`
theorems removed — they were tautological restatements of the
`Diagnostics.inXPrediction` definition (since `eat_two_apples_licenses_inX`
and `build_a_house_licenses_inX` had identical statements, both
passing `.accomplishment`, neither was about a specific verb). The
general `telic_licenses_inX` and `durative_atelic_licenses_forX`
below carry the diagnostic bridge work.
Telic VPs (QUA) license "in X" adverbials.
Durative atelic VPs (CUM + durative) license "for X" adverbials. Semelfactives are atelic but punctual — "for X" coerces to iterative.
Cross-Verification: Incrementality × Vendler #
Verify that incrementality annotations are consistent with Vendler classes: only accomplishments can have non-none verbIncClass.
All sinc-annotated verbs are accomplishments.
The inc-annotated verb "read" is an accomplishment.
All cumOnly-annotated verbs are activities.
Gradual Change (GRAD) Predictions #
Connects GRAD theory to concrete verb entries.
Round-1 audit fixes: `GRADDatum.verb : String` and
`GRADDatum.objectMeasure : String` were the round-2-K89 String-field
anti-pattern recreated; replaced with `GRADVerb` enum +
`GRADObjectMeasure` enum. `native_decide` on `all_grad_data_matches`
eliminated by structurally lifting the verb match into the enum's
`toIncClass` projection.
Equations
- Krifka1998.instDecidableEqGRADVerb x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
Equations
- Krifka1998.instReprGRADVerb = { reprPrec := Krifka1998.instReprGRADVerb.repr }
Equations
- Krifka1998.instReprGRADVerb.repr Krifka1998.GRADVerb.eat prec✝ = Repr.addAppParen (Std.Format.nest (if prec✝ ≥ 1024 then 1 else 2) (Std.Format.text "Krifka1998.GRADVerb.eat")).group prec✝
- Krifka1998.instReprGRADVerb.repr Krifka1998.GRADVerb.build prec✝ = Repr.addAppParen (Std.Format.nest (if prec✝ ≥ 1024 then 1 else 2) (Std.Format.text "Krifka1998.GRADVerb.build")).group prec✝
- Krifka1998.instReprGRADVerb.repr Krifka1998.GRADVerb.read prec✝ = Repr.addAppParen (Std.Format.nest (if prec✝ ≥ 1024 then 1 else 2) (Std.Format.text "Krifka1998.GRADVerb.read")).group prec✝
- Krifka1998.instReprGRADVerb.repr Krifka1998.GRADVerb.push prec✝ = Repr.addAppParen (Std.Format.nest (if prec✝ ≥ 1024 then 1 else 2) (Std.Format.text "Krifka1998.GRADVerb.push")).group prec✝
- Krifka1998.instReprGRADVerb.repr Krifka1998.GRADVerb.kick prec✝ = Repr.addAppParen (Std.Format.nest (if prec✝ ≥ 1024 then 1 else 2) (Std.Format.text "Krifka1998.GRADVerb.kick")).group prec✝
Instances For
English lemma for each GRAD verb.
Equations
- Krifka1998.GRADVerb.eat.lemma = "eat"
- Krifka1998.GRADVerb.build.lemma = "build"
- Krifka1998.GRADVerb.read.lemma = "read"
- Krifka1998.GRADVerb.push.lemma = "push"
- Krifka1998.GRADVerb.kick.lemma = "kick"
Instances For
Each verb's expected VerbIncClass per K98. Defined as literal
constructors so that decide can close all_grad_data_matches
structurally; the fragment-annotation tripwire is the separate
gradVerb_matches_fragment theorem below.
Equations
- Krifka1998.GRADVerb.eat.expectedIncClass = some Semantics.Aspect.Incremental.VerbIncClass.sinc
- Krifka1998.GRADVerb.build.expectedIncClass = some Semantics.Aspect.Incremental.VerbIncClass.sinc
- Krifka1998.GRADVerb.read.expectedIncClass = some Semantics.Aspect.Incremental.VerbIncClass.inc
- Krifka1998.GRADVerb.push.expectedIncClass = some Semantics.Aspect.Incremental.VerbIncClass.cumOnly
- Krifka1998.GRADVerb.kick.expectedIncClass = none
Instances For
Tripwire: each GRADVerb.expectedIncClass matches the fragment's
verbIncClass annotation. If a fragment annotation drifts, this
theorem breaks per-verb (one conjunct per verb). The
expectedIncClass literal is what decide consumes for
all_grad_data_matches; this theorem keeps the literal in sync
with the fragment.
The dimension along which a verb's GRAD measure operates.
- weightOrVolume : GRADObjectMeasure
- proportionDone : GRADObjectMeasure
- pages : GRADObjectMeasure
- weight : GRADObjectMeasure
- force : GRADObjectMeasure
Instances For
Equations
- Krifka1998.instDecidableEqGRADObjectMeasure x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
Equations
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
- verb : GRADVerb
- objectMeasure : GRADObjectMeasure
- expectsGRAD : Bool
Instances For
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
Equations
- Krifka1998.instReprGRADDatum = { reprPrec := Krifka1998.instReprGRADDatum.repr }
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
Equations
- Krifka1998.eatGRAD = { verb := Krifka1998.GRADVerb.eat, objectMeasure := Krifka1998.GRADObjectMeasure.weightOrVolume, expectsGRAD := true }
Instances For
Equations
- Krifka1998.buildGRAD = { verb := Krifka1998.GRADVerb.build, objectMeasure := Krifka1998.GRADObjectMeasure.proportionDone, expectsGRAD := true }
Instances For
Equations
- Krifka1998.readGRAD = { verb := Krifka1998.GRADVerb.read, objectMeasure := Krifka1998.GRADObjectMeasure.pages, expectsGRAD := true }
Instances For
Equations
- Krifka1998.pushNoGRAD = { verb := Krifka1998.GRADVerb.push, objectMeasure := Krifka1998.GRADObjectMeasure.weight, expectsGRAD := false }
Instances For
Equations
- Krifka1998.kickNoGRAD = { verb := Krifka1998.GRADVerb.kick, objectMeasure := Krifka1998.GRADObjectMeasure.force, expectsGRAD := false }
Instances For
Equations
Instances For
Whether a verb's incrementality class predicts GRAD.
This is a Bool projection of K98 theory's propositional GRAD
predicate; the
propositional version is what grad_of_sinc proves. Keeping the
Bool-tag projection here as a quick-check; consumers needing the
propositional content should use grad_of_sinc directly on
abstract θ instances.
Equations
- Krifka1998.predictsGRAD (some Semantics.Aspect.Incremental.VerbIncClass.sinc) = true
- Krifka1998.predictsGRAD (some Semantics.Aspect.Incremental.VerbIncClass.inc) = true
- Krifka1998.predictsGRAD (some Semantics.Aspect.Incremental.VerbIncClass.cumOnly) = false
- Krifka1998.predictsGRAD none = false
Instances For
All GRAD data matches the K98-expected verb classification. The
decide closure works because verb.expectedIncClass is
structurally reducible (literal-tag enum), unlike a fragment-
projection that goes through Verbal.lean's VerbEntry. The
fragment-annotation tripwire is gradVerb_matches_fragment.
K98 §3.5 Eq. 58: Mary ate peanuts in 0.43 seconds #
K98 §3.5 (page 18, eq. 58) introduces Mary is an incredibly fast eater. Yesterday she ate peanuts in 0.43 seconds! — K98's own version of K89 §5's Ann drank wine in 0.43 sec. K98 uses it to argue that temporal atomicity (not quantization) is what licenses in-X adverbials: "even though eat peanuts is not quantized, it can be understood as temporally atomic. One chewing move may be a part of an event of eating peanuts, but not yet an event of eating peanuts."
The K89 study has an analogous ATM section (citing K89 T4); this
file mirrors it for K98 §3.5. The substrate-witness theorem
(showing a CUM-but-temporally-atomic predicate accepts *in*-X)
requires event-CEM atom infrastructure beyond this file's scope;
documented as data + linguistic motivation.
The K98 §3.5 atomicity-vs-quantization argument has three structural
parts: the object NP's mereological reference type, the VP's
licensing condition for in-X, and the temporal-atomicity flag
that licenses in-X even when QUA fails. Captured here as a
structure with enum-typed fields (MereoTag, DiagnosticResult)
rather than a triple of Bools — Bool tags would be the round-2
K89 anti-pattern.
- sentence : String
- objectNP : String
- objectRef : Core.Scale.MereoTag
Object NP's mereo reference type per K98 §3.3 (CUM or QUA).
- inXAcceptance : Phenomena.TenseAspect.Diagnostics.DiagnosticResult
Diagnostic acceptance per K98 §3.4.
Instances For
Equations
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
Mary ate peanuts in 0.43 seconds (K98 §3.5 eq. 58). The peanuts
NP is CUM (mass-bare-plural — bare plurals are CUM via algebraic
closure, cf. K89 §3 / Krifka1989.applesNP). The bounded-duration
eating predicate is temporally atomic — no sub-event of a 0.43-second
peanut-eating is also a 0.43-second peanut-eating. K98 §3.5 argues
this licenses in-X via temporal atomicity, not quantization.
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
The K98 §3.5 eq. 58 witness pattern: CUM object + accepted in-X.
The combination is unusual — typical in-X licensing requires QUA
objects via the K98 §3.3 propagation chain. K98 introduces this
case to motivate temporal atomicity as an alternative licensing
pathway. K89 §5 makes the parallel point with Ann drank wine in
0.43 sec (formalized in Krifka1989.annDrankWineInSeconds); this
is K98's same observation reformulated as temporal atomicity. The
propositional ATM-but-not-QUA witness is deferred (requires
event-CEM atom infrastructure beyond this file's scope, as
documented in K89 study §5).
K89 ↔ K98 Sister-Paper Bridge #
K89 (1989) and K98 (1998) are the same author refining the same
theory at two stages. K89 study now defines
K89ThematicClass.toVerbIncClass in Studies/Krifka1989.lean,
mapping K89's table-14 thematic-relation classes to K98's
VerbIncClass. This section provides the K98-side acknowledgement
of the bridge: every K89 thematic class corresponds to exactly one
K98 VerbIncClass, and the refinement is consistent with K89's GRAD
distinction (gradual classes → sinc/inc, non-gradual → cumOnly).
The K89 study's `k89Table14_refines_k98_consistently` provides the
propositional bridge; this section adds K98-side documentation and
a fragment-verb ↔ K89-class consistency theorem for *eat*.
K89's eat an apple (gradual-consumed-patient) refines to K98 sinc (consumption verb), which matches the eat fragment annotation. Cross-paper consistency for the eat verb across K89 §4, K98 §3, and the fragment.
K89's write a letter (gradual-effected-patient) refines to K98 sinc, matching write's fragment annotation. K89's distinction between effected (creation) and consumed (consumption) patients is finer than K98's binary sinc/non-sinc; both collapse to sinc here.
K89's read a letter (gradual-patient, lacks UNI-E) refines to K98 inc — matching read's fragment annotation, which K98 §3.6 eq. 59 motivates by appeal to backups (re-reading).
Concrete IsSincVerb Toy + Applied Propagation #
§4.5's eat_apples_cum_propositional and eat_two_apples_qua_propositional
are parametric over an abstract θ. This section provides a
constructive IsSincVerb instance and fires both propagation
theorems on it, demonstrating that K98 §3.3's typeclass-bundled
meaning postulates admit real (non-axiomatic) realizations.
The toy: a 3-apple universe modelled as `Finset (Fin 3)` (powerset
lattice; ⊔ = ∪, < = ⊊). The eating relation is the identity
`eatThemeToy a e := a = e` — the eating event is identified with
the apple set eaten. Each subevent of an eating-of-{0,1}
corresponds bijectively to a subobject (the apples eaten in that
subevent), which is exactly the SINC bijection.
Lexical commitment: this is a TOY model, not a faithful denotation
of *eat*. A real denotation would (i) use a richer event type with
manner/agent/time information, (ii) admit non-trivial UO failures
(two distinct eatings of the same apple), and (iii) interact with
`Fragments/English/Predicates/Verbal.lean`'s `eat.semantics`. The
purpose here is to demonstrate that the typeclass admits
constructive instances — bridging the gap that prior `class
VerbIncrementality` attempts left open.
Toy 3-apple universe. Finset (Fin 3) carries SemilatticeSup
automatically (join is Finset.union); ≤/< are ⊆/⊊.
Equations
- Krifka1998.Apple = Finset (Fin 3)
Instances For
Toy "eating event" — identified with the set of apples eaten.
Same powerset lattice as Apple, yielding the bijection that
SINC requires.
Equations
- Krifka1998.EatEvent = Finset (Fin 3)
Instances For
The identity-as-relation theme: eatThemeToy a e iff the apple
set a equals the apple set eaten in event e. The canonical
SINC example, exhibiting a 1-1 correspondence between proper
sub-objects (subsets of a) and proper sub-events.
Equations
- Krifka1998.eatThemeToy a e = (a = e)
Instances For
eatThemeToy is a strictly incremental verb-theme relation.
Constructed via the IsSincVerb.mk' smart constructor, which
derives the inherited inc : INC eatThemeToy field automatically
via inc_of_sinc.
Concrete OBJ predicates #
"two specific apples" — the singleton predicate λ a, a = {0, 1}.
QUA: no proper subset of {0, 1} is also {0, 1}.
Equations
- Krifka1998.twoApples a = (a = {0, 1})
Instances For
"(some) apples" — non-emptiness in the powerset lattice. CUM: nonempty ∪ nonempty is nonempty. The natural bare-plural interpretation in this toy.
Equations
- Krifka1998.someApples a = Finset.Nonempty a
Instances For
twoApples is QUA: a proper part of {0, 1} cannot also equal
{0, 1}. This is the standard "exact-cardinality NPs are
quantized" property at the K89/K98 level.
someApples is CUM: nonempty ⊔ nonempty = nonempty. Bare plurals
propagate cumulativity (K89 §3 / K98 §3.3).
K98 §3.3 propagation theorems fire on the toy #
eat two apples on the toy: SINC + UP verb + QUA object → QUA VP.
Direct invocation of substrate's typeclass-canonical
qua_propagation; [IsSincVerb eatThemeToy] synthesises
automatically from the instance above.
eat (some) apples on the toy: CumTheta verb + CUM object → CUM VP.
Direct invocation of substrate's cum_propagation;
[IsCumThetaVerb eatThemeToy] synthesises from [IsSincVerb …]
via instIsCumThetaVerbOfIsSincVerb.
Part II — K98 §4: Telicity by Precedence and Adjacency #
Per-verb path specification (K98 §4.5 eq. 73) #
"arrive" is inherently directed motion (K98 §4.7 eq. 78).
Inherently directed motion → bounded path (K98 §4.5 GOAL specified).
"leave" is a leave verb (K98 §4.5 SOURCE-only).
Leave verbs → source path.
"run" is manner-of-motion (K98 §4.5 path-neutral; PP supplies path).
Manner-of-motion verbs are path-neutral (path comes from PP).
arrive is annotated as an achievement Vendler class.
sleep is annotated as a state Vendler class.
PathShape → Telicity → Licensing (K98 §4 MR eq. 71) #
Bounded path → telic → licensed. K98 §4 eq. 74 walked from X to Y.
Source path → telic → licensed. K98 §4 eq. 73 Mary left the house.
Unbounded path → atelic → blocked. K98 §4 eq. 75 walked towards X.
Motion VP data (K98 §4.5 eq. 74-75) #
A motion VP datum: verb + PP + path shape + expected telicity.
- verb : String
- pp : String
- pathShape : Semantics.Spatial.Path.PathShape
- expectedTelicity : Features.Telicity
Instances For
Equations
- Krifka1998.instReprMotionVPDatum = { reprPrec := Krifka1998.instReprMotionVPDatum.repr }
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
Equations
- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
Instances For
"arrive at the store" — bounded → telic → "in X" ✓. K98 §4.7 eq. 78.
Equations
- Krifka1998.arriveAtStore = { verb := "arrive", pp := "at the store", pathShape := Semantics.Spatial.Path.PathShape.bounded, expectedTelicity := Features.Telicity.telic }
Instances For
"leave the house" — source → telic → "in X" ✓. K98 §4.5 eq. 73.
Equations
- Krifka1998.leaveTheHouse = { verb := "leave", pp := "the house", pathShape := Semantics.Spatial.Path.PathShape.source, expectedTelicity := Features.Telicity.telic }
Instances For
"run to the park" — manner + bounded PP → telic → "in X" ✓. K98 eq. 74.
Equations
- Krifka1998.runToThePark = { verb := "run", pp := "to the park", pathShape := Semantics.Spatial.Path.PathShape.bounded, expectedTelicity := Features.Telicity.telic }
Instances For
"run towards the park" — manner + unbounded PP → atelic → "for X" ✓. K98 §4.5 eq. 75 walked towards Y — direction without goal.
Equations
- Krifka1998.runTowardsThePark = { verb := "run", pp := "towards the park", pathShape := Semantics.Spatial.Path.PathShape.unbounded, expectedTelicity := Features.Telicity.atelic }
Instances For
Equations
Instances For
Path shape determines telicity for all motion data per K98 §4.
§3 ↔ §4 diagnostic bridge (K98 §3 in/for) #
"arrive" (achievement, bounded path) licenses "in X".
"leave" (achievement, source path) licenses "in X".
"run" (activity, path-neutral) licenses "for X".
Motion verb VendlerClass × LevinClass coherence: bounded-path motion verbs are achievements, path-neutral ones are activities.
K98 §4 propositional substrate #
K98 §4.1 eq. 63 EXP: expansion. If x is θ-related to e and y to a temporally-following e', then x and y do not overlap.
Equations
- Krifka1998.EXP precedes θ = ∀ (x y : α) (e e' : β), θ x e → θ y e' → precedes e e' → ¬Mereology.Overlap x y
Instances For
K98 §4.1 eq. 65 SEINC: strictly expansive incremental. EXP ∧ MO.
Equations
- Krifka1998.SEINC precedes θ = (Krifka1998.EXP precedes θ ∧ Semantics.ArgumentStructure.MO θ)
Instances For
K98 §4.2 eq. 68 ADJ: temporal adjacency on sub-events ↔ spatial
adjacency on sub-paths. The Lean form adds extra z ≤ x and
e'' ≤ e premises vs the printed equation.
Equations
- Krifka1998.ADJ adjα adjβ θ = ∀ (x : α) (e : β) (y z : α) (e' e'' : β), θ x e → e' ≤ e → e'' ≤ e → y ≤ x → z ≤ x → θ y e' → θ z e'' → (adjβ e' e'' ↔ adjα y z)
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K98 §4.2 eq. 69 SMR: ADJ + MO + first-arg constrained to paths.
Equations
- Krifka1998.SMR adjα adjβ isPath θ = (Krifka1998.ADJ adjα adjβ θ ∧ Semantics.ArgumentStructure.MO θ ∧ ∀ (x : α) (e : β), θ x e → isPath x)
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K98 §4.3 eq. 71 closure: smallest relation containing θ' and closed
under precedence-respecting sums. K98's TANG_H clause (eq. 17) is
OMITTED — see module TODO. Specialization of
Semantics.Aspect.PrecedenceClosure with cond := precedes.
Equations
- Krifka1998.MovementClosure precedes θ' = Semantics.Aspect.PrecedenceClosure precedes θ'
Instances For
K98 §4.3 eq. 71 MR (TANG_H-free): θ is a movement relation iff
there exists an SMR θ' such that θ is the MovementClosure of θ'.
Equations
- Krifka1998.MR adjα adjβ precedes isPath θ = ∃ (θ' : α → β → Prop), Krifka1998.SMR adjα adjβ isPath θ' ∧ ∀ (x : α) (e : β), θ x e ↔ Krifka1998.MovementClosure precedes θ' x e
Instances For
Every SMR is itself an MR, given closure under precedence-respecting sums.
σ-pullback invocations (bounded/unbounded path → telic/atelic VP) #
Bounded path predicate (QUA) ↦ telic VP via the σ-pullback. Backs the K98 §4.5 walked from X to Y analysis at the Bool-tag level.
Unbounded path predicate (CUM) ↦ atelic VP via the σ-pullback. Backs the K98 §4.5 walked towards X analysis at the Bool-tag level.
EXP / SEINC instances on Event Time (K98 §4.1) #
EXP-as-property of any θ : α → Event Time → Prop using Event.precedes.
Equations
Instances For
SEINC-as-property using Event.precedes. EventCEM provides the
required [SemilatticeSup (Event Time)].
Equations
Instances For
SMR / MR instances on Path Loc → Event Time → Prop (K98 §4.2-4.3) #
SMR specialized to paths and events with concrete adjacency.
Equations
- Krifka1998.smrPath θ = Krifka1998.SMR Semantics.Spatial.Path.Path.adjacent Semantics.Events.Event.adjacent (fun (x : Semantics.Spatial.Path.Path Loc) => True) θ
Instances For
MR specialized to paths and events with concrete adjacency + precedence.