Documentation

Linglib.Phenomena.TenseAspect.Studies.Krifka1998

@cite{krifka-1998} The Origins of Telicity #

K98's two distinctive contributions, formalized end-to-end:

The substrate predicates (SUM, UO, UE, MO, MSO, MSE, GUE, SINC, INC, CumTheta — K98 §3.2 eq. 43-52, eq. 59) live in Theories/Semantics/Events/{Incrementality,ThematicRoleProperties}.lean; the σ-trace pullback machinery in Theories/Semantics/Spatial/Trace.lean. This file exercises both on the English fragment and inlines the §4 movement-relation predicates (formerly in Theories/Semantics/Events/MovementRelations.lean).

Main definitions #

Part I (§3 incrementality):

Part II (§4 movement):

TODO #

What this file is NOT #

References #

Per-Verb Incrementality Verification #

Each verb's verbIncClass annotation is verified by rfl. Changing any annotation breaks exactly one theorem here. These earn their place as fragment-annotation tripwires; mathlib would call them examples, but as theorems they're discoverable via #check.

"eat" is strictly incremental (consumption: bijective theme-event map).

"build" is strictly incremental (creation: bijective theme-event map).

"read" is incremental but not strictly so (allows re-reading per K98 §3.6).

"push" is cumulative only (no incremental theme — the formaliser's "cumOnly" is shorthand; K98 calls it CUM-without-MSE/MSO).

Intransitives have no incremental theme.

Unaccusatives have no incremental theme.

Contact verbs have no incremental theme.

Per-Verb Vendler Class Verification #

VendlerClass → MereoTag Bridge #

These connect the Vendler classification to K89's CUM/QUA distinction via Telicity.toMereoTag. The chain is: VendlerClass → Telicity → MereoTag → CUM/QUA mereological property.

**Caveat: TEL ⊃ QUA in K98, but collapsed here.** K98 §2.5 (eq. 37,
page 9) defines TEL_E (telicity) strictly weaker than QUA
(quantization): every QUA predicate is TEL, but not every TEL
predicate is QUA (K98 gives the run-time-3-4pm counterexample on
page 9). The `Telicity.toMereoTag .telic = .qua` collapse used here
is faithful for the typical Vendler-class accomplishments and
achievements (which are both TEL and QUA), but a complete K98
formalization would need a separate propositional `TEL` predicate
distinct from `QUA`. Adding `def TEL` requires INI/FIN initial/final-
part predicates over events, which linglib's K98 theory doesn't
house — deferred. 

Accomplishments are telic, hence (under the TEL = QUA collapse) QUA.

Compositional Telicity (VP = verb + NP) #

The payoff: verb incrementality + NP reference property → VP telicity. These instantiate K98 §3.3 (eq. 53-54) for concrete verb entries.

Round-1 audit additions: propositional invocations of K98 theory's
`cum_propagation` and `qua_propagation` on abstract θ instances
(parallel to K89 study §3's `qmod_of_cum_is_qua` calls), making the
Bool-tag conjunctions below into substrate-honest derivations
rather than stipulated `⟨rfl, rfl⟩`. 

"eat apples": sinc verb + CUM NP → CUM VP (atelic). K98 §3.3: CumTheta(θ) ∧ CUM(OBJ) → CUM(VP θ OBJ). The verb's incrementality class is sinc, and bare plurals are CUM.

"eat two apples": sinc verb + QUA NP → QUA VP (telic). K98 §3.3: SINC(θ) ∧ QUA(OBJ) → QUA(VP θ OBJ). The verb's incrementality class is sinc, and "two apples" is QUA.

"read the book": inc verb + QUA NP → VP is telic (INC is weaker than SINC, but still transmits QUA from NP to VP when the object is quantized, K98 §3.6).

"push the cart": cumOnly verb → no telicity transfer from NP. Regardless of the NP's reference property, cumOnly verbs yield atelic (CUM) VPs.

§4.5 Propositional propagation invocations (typeclass form) #

The Bool-tag conjunctions above check fragment annotations and tag
composition; the theorems below actually invoke K98 theory's
`cum_propagation` and `qua_propagation` (typeclass-canonical
forms) on abstract θ + OBJ instances. This is the same shape as
K89 study §3's calls of `qmod_of_cum_is_qua` — making the
substrate-bridge promise concrete rather than rhetorical. 
theorem Krifka1998.eat_apples_cum_propositional {α : Type u_1} {β : Type u_2} [SemilatticeSup α] [SemilatticeSup β] {θ : αβProp} [Semantics.ArgumentStructure.IsCumThetaVerb θ] {Apples : αProp} (hApples : Mereology.CUM Apples) :

eat apples propositional: K98 §3.3 CUM propagation. Given any [IsCumThetaVerb θ] (eat's role — and any of the K98 verb classes via upward instances) and a CUM object (apples), VP is CUM.

theorem Krifka1998.eat_two_apples_qua_propositional {α : Type u_1} {β : Type u_2} [SemilatticeSup α] [SemilatticeSup β] {θ : αβProp} [Semantics.Aspect.Incremental.IsSincVerb θ] {TwoApples : αProp} (hTwoApples : Mereology.QUA TwoApples) :

eat two apples propositional: K98 §3.3 QUA propagation. Given [IsSincVerb θ] (eat's role, bundling SINC + UP) and a QUA object (two apples), VP is QUA.

Diagnostic Bridge #

Connect CUM/QUA → for/in diagnostic compatibility. Atelic (CUM) VPs accept "for X"; telic (QUA) VPs accept "in X".

Round-1 audit deletions: 6 per-verb `inXPrediction .X = .accept := rfl`
theorems removed — they were tautological restatements of the
`Diagnostics.inXPrediction` definition (since `eat_two_apples_licenses_inX`
and `build_a_house_licenses_inX` had identical statements, both
passing `.accomplishment`, neither was about a specific verb). The
general `telic_licenses_inX` and `durative_atelic_licenses_forX`
below carry the diagnostic bridge work. 

Durative atelic VPs (CUM + durative) license "for X" adverbials. Semelfactives are atelic but punctual — "for X" coerces to iterative.

Cross-Verification: Incrementality × Vendler #

Verify that incrementality annotations are consistent with Vendler classes: only accomplishments can have non-none verbIncClass.

Gradual Change (GRAD) Predictions #

Connects GRAD theory to concrete verb entries.

Round-1 audit fixes: `GRADDatum.verb : String` and
`GRADDatum.objectMeasure : String` were the round-2-K89 String-field
anti-pattern recreated; replaced with `GRADVerb` enum +
`GRADObjectMeasure` enum. `native_decide` on `all_grad_data_matches`
eliminated by structurally lifting the verb match into the enum's
`toIncClass` projection. 

Verbs covered by the GRAD-prediction data.

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    def Krifka1998.instReprGRADVerb.repr :
    GRADVerbStd.Format
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      The dimension along which a verb's GRAD measure operates.

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            def Krifka1998.instReprGRADDatum.repr :
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              def Krifka1998.instDecidableEqGRADDatum.decEq (x✝ x✝¹ : GRADDatum) :
              Decidable (x✝ = x✝¹)
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                        Whether a verb's incrementality class predicts GRAD.

                        This is a Bool projection of K98 theory's propositional GRAD predicate; the propositional version is what grad_of_sinc proves. Keeping the Bool-tag projection here as a quick-check; consumers needing the propositional content should use grad_of_sinc directly on abstract θ instances.

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                          All GRAD data matches the K98-expected verb classification. The decide closure works because verb.expectedIncClass is structurally reducible (literal-tag enum), unlike a fragment- projection that goes through Verbal.lean's VerbEntry. The fragment-annotation tripwire is gradVerb_matches_fragment.

                          K98 §3.5 Eq. 58: Mary ate peanuts in 0.43 seconds #

                          K98 §3.5 (page 18, eq. 58) introduces Mary is an incredibly fast eater. Yesterday she ate peanuts in 0.43 seconds! — K98's own version of K89 §5's Ann drank wine in 0.43 sec. K98 uses it to argue that temporal atomicity (not quantization) is what licenses in-X adverbials: "even though eat peanuts is not quantized, it can be understood as temporally atomic. One chewing move may be a part of an event of eating peanuts, but not yet an event of eating peanuts."

                          The K89 study has an analogous ATM section (citing K89 T4); this
                          file mirrors it for K98 §3.5. The substrate-witness theorem
                          (showing a CUM-but-temporally-atomic predicate accepts *in*-X)
                          requires event-CEM atom infrastructure beyond this file's scope;
                          documented as data + linguistic motivation. 
                          

                          The K98 §3.5 atomicity-vs-quantization argument has three structural parts: the object NP's mereological reference type, the VP's licensing condition for in-X, and the temporal-atomicity flag that licenses in-X even when QUA fails. Captured here as a structure with enum-typed fields (MereoTag, DiagnosticResult) rather than a triple of Bools — Bool tags would be the round-2 K89 anti-pattern.

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                              Mary ate peanuts in 0.43 seconds (K98 §3.5 eq. 58). The peanuts NP is CUM (mass-bare-plural — bare plurals are CUM via algebraic closure, cf. K89 §3 / Krifka1989.applesNP). The bounded-duration eating predicate is temporally atomic — no sub-event of a 0.43-second peanut-eating is also a 0.43-second peanut-eating. K98 §3.5 argues this licenses in-X via temporal atomicity, not quantization.

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                                The K98 §3.5 eq. 58 witness pattern: CUM object + accepted in-X. The combination is unusual — typical in-X licensing requires QUA objects via the K98 §3.3 propagation chain. K98 introduces this case to motivate temporal atomicity as an alternative licensing pathway. K89 §5 makes the parallel point with Ann drank wine in 0.43 sec (formalized in Krifka1989.annDrankWineInSeconds); this is K98's same observation reformulated as temporal atomicity. The propositional ATM-but-not-QUA witness is deferred (requires event-CEM atom infrastructure beyond this file's scope, as documented in K89 study §5).

                                K89 ↔ K98 Sister-Paper Bridge #

                                K89 (1989) and K98 (1998) are the same author refining the same theory at two stages. K89 study now defines K89ThematicClass.toVerbIncClass in Studies/Krifka1989.lean, mapping K89's table-14 thematic-relation classes to K98's VerbIncClass. This section provides the K98-side acknowledgement of the bridge: every K89 thematic class corresponds to exactly one K98 VerbIncClass, and the refinement is consistent with K89's GRAD distinction (gradual classes → sinc/inc, non-gradual → cumOnly).

                                The K89 study's `k89Table14_refines_k98_consistently` provides the
                                propositional bridge; this section adds K98-side documentation and
                                a fragment-verb ↔ K89-class consistency theorem for *eat*. 
                                

                                K89's eat an apple (gradual-consumed-patient) refines to K98 sinc (consumption verb), which matches the eat fragment annotation. Cross-paper consistency for the eat verb across K89 §4, K98 §3, and the fragment.

                                K89's write a letter (gradual-effected-patient) refines to K98 sinc, matching write's fragment annotation. K89's distinction between effected (creation) and consumed (consumption) patients is finer than K98's binary sinc/non-sinc; both collapse to sinc here.

                                K89's read a letter (gradual-patient, lacks UNI-E) refines to K98 inc — matching read's fragment annotation, which K98 §3.6 eq. 59 motivates by appeal to backups (re-reading).

                                Concrete IsSincVerb Toy + Applied Propagation #

                                §4.5's eat_apples_cum_propositional and eat_two_apples_qua_propositional are parametric over an abstract θ. This section provides a constructive IsSincVerb instance and fires both propagation theorems on it, demonstrating that K98 §3.3's typeclass-bundled meaning postulates admit real (non-axiomatic) realizations.

                                The toy: a 3-apple universe modelled as `Finset (Fin 3)` (powerset
                                lattice; ⊔ = ∪, < = ⊊). The eating relation is the identity
                                `eatThemeToy a e := a = e` — the eating event is identified with
                                the apple set eaten. Each subevent of an eating-of-{0,1}
                                corresponds bijectively to a subobject (the apples eaten in that
                                subevent), which is exactly the SINC bijection.
                                
                                Lexical commitment: this is a TOY model, not a faithful denotation
                                of *eat*. A real denotation would (i) use a richer event type with
                                manner/agent/time information, (ii) admit non-trivial UO failures
                                (two distinct eatings of the same apple), and (iii) interact with
                                `Fragments/English/Predicates/Verbal.lean`'s `eat.semantics`. The
                                purpose here is to demonstrate that the typeclass admits
                                constructive instances — bridging the gap that prior `class
                                VerbIncrementality` attempts left open. 
                                
                                @[reducible, inline]

                                Toy 3-apple universe. Finset (Fin 3) carries SemilatticeSup automatically (join is Finset.union); /< are /.

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                                  Toy "eating event" — identified with the set of apples eaten. Same powerset lattice as Apple, yielding the bijection that SINC requires.

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                                    The identity-as-relation theme: eatThemeToy a e iff the apple set a equals the apple set eaten in event e. The canonical SINC example, exhibiting a 1-1 correspondence between proper sub-objects (subsets of a) and proper sub-events.

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                                      eatThemeToy is a strictly incremental verb-theme relation. Constructed via the IsSincVerb.mk' smart constructor, which derives the inherited inc : INC eatThemeToy field automatically via inc_of_sinc.

                                      Concrete OBJ predicates #

                                      "two specific apples" — the singleton predicate λ a, a = {0, 1}. QUA: no proper subset of {0, 1} is also {0, 1}.

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                                        "(some) apples" — non-emptiness in the powerset lattice. CUM: nonempty ∪ nonempty is nonempty. The natural bare-plural interpretation in this toy.

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                                          twoApples is QUA: a proper part of {0, 1} cannot also equal {0, 1}. This is the standard "exact-cardinality NPs are quantized" property at the K89/K98 level.

                                          someApples is CUM: nonempty ⊔ nonempty = nonempty. Bare plurals propagate cumulativity (K89 §3 / K98 §3.3).

                                          K98 §3.3 propagation theorems fire on the toy #

                                          eat two apples on the toy: SINC + UP verb + QUA object → QUA VP. Direct invocation of substrate's typeclass-canonical qua_propagation; [IsSincVerb eatThemeToy] synthesises automatically from the instance above.

                                          eat (some) apples on the toy: CumTheta verb + CUM object → CUM VP. Direct invocation of substrate's cum_propagation; [IsCumThetaVerb eatThemeToy] synthesises from [IsSincVerb …] via instIsCumThetaVerbOfIsSincVerb.

                                          Part II — K98 §4: Telicity by Precedence and Adjacency #

                                          Per-verb path specification (K98 §4.5 eq. 73) #

                                          Inherently directed motion → bounded path (K98 §4.5 GOAL specified).

                                          "run" is manner-of-motion (K98 §4.5 path-neutral; PP supplies path).

                                          Manner-of-motion verbs are path-neutral (path comes from PP).

                                          PathShape → Telicity → Licensing (K98 §4 MR eq. 71) #

                                          Motion VP data (K98 §4.5 eq. 74-75) #

                                          A motion VP datum: verb + PP + path shape + expected telicity.

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                                              def Krifka1998.instDecidableEqMotionVPDatum.decEq (x✝ x✝¹ : MotionVPDatum) :
                                              Decidable (x✝ = x✝¹)
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                                                "arrive at the store" — bounded → telic → "in X" ✓. K98 §4.7 eq. 78.

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                                                  "leave the house" — source → telic → "in X" ✓. K98 §4.5 eq. 73.

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                                                    "run to the park" — manner + bounded PP → telic → "in X" ✓. K98 eq. 74.

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                                                      "run towards the park" — manner + unbounded PP → atelic → "for X" ✓. K98 §4.5 eq. 75 walked towards Y — direction without goal.

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                                                        Path shape determines telicity for all motion data per K98 §4.

                                                        §3 ↔ §4 diagnostic bridge (K98 §3 in/for) #

                                                        K98 §4 propositional substrate #

                                                        def Krifka1998.EXP {α : Type u_1} {β : Type u_2} [SemilatticeSup α] (precedes : ββProp) (θ : αβProp) :

                                                        K98 §4.1 eq. 63 EXP: expansion. If x is θ-related to e and y to a temporally-following e', then x and y do not overlap.

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                                                          def Krifka1998.SEINC {α : Type u_1} {β : Type u_2} [SemilatticeSup α] [SemilatticeSup β] (precedes : ββProp) (θ : αβProp) :

                                                          K98 §4.1 eq. 65 SEINC: strictly expansive incremental. EXP ∧ MO.

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                                                            def Krifka1998.ADJ {α : Type u_1} {β : Type u_2} [PartialOrder α] [PartialOrder β] (adjα : ααProp) (adjβ : ββProp) (θ : αβProp) :

                                                            K98 §4.2 eq. 68 ADJ: temporal adjacency on sub-events ↔ spatial adjacency on sub-paths. The Lean form adds extra z ≤ x and e'' ≤ e premises vs the printed equation.

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                                                            • Krifka1998.ADJ adjα adjβ θ = ∀ (x : α) (e : β) (y z : α) (e' e'' : β), θ x ee' ee'' ey xz xθ y e'θ z e''(adjβ e' e'' adjα y z)
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                                                              def Krifka1998.SMR {α : Type u_1} {β : Type u_2} [PartialOrder α] [PartialOrder β] [SemilatticeSup α] [SemilatticeSup β] (adjα : ααProp) (adjβ : ββProp) (isPath : αProp) (θ : αβProp) :

                                                              K98 §4.2 eq. 69 SMR: ADJ + MO + first-arg constrained to paths.

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                                                                abbrev Krifka1998.MovementClosure {α : Type u_1} {β : Type u_2} [SemilatticeSup α] [SemilatticeSup β] (precedes : ββProp) (θ' : αβProp) :
                                                                αβProp

                                                                K98 §4.3 eq. 71 closure: smallest relation containing θ' and closed under precedence-respecting sums. K98's TANG_H clause (eq. 17) is OMITTED — see module TODO. Specialization of Semantics.Aspect.PrecedenceClosure with cond := precedes.

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                                                                  def Krifka1998.MR {α : Type u_1} {β : Type u_2} [PartialOrder α] [PartialOrder β] [SemilatticeSup α] [SemilatticeSup β] (adjα : ααProp) (adjβ precedes : ββProp) (isPath : αProp) (θ : αβProp) :

                                                                  K98 §4.3 eq. 71 MR (TANG_H-free): θ is a movement relation iff there exists an SMR θ' such that θ is the MovementClosure of θ'.

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                                                                    theorem Krifka1998.mr_of_smr {α : Type u_1} {β : Type u_2} [PartialOrder α] [PartialOrder β] [SemilatticeSup α] [SemilatticeSup β] {adjα : ααProp} {adjβ precedes : ββProp} {isPath : αProp} {θ : αβProp} (h : SMR adjα adjβ isPath θ) (hClosed : ∀ (x1 x2 : α) (e1 e2 : β), θ x1 e1θ x2 e2precedes e1 e2θ (x1x2) (e1e2)) :
                                                                    MR adjα adjβ precedes isPath θ

                                                                    Every SMR is itself an MR, given closure under precedence-respecting sums.

                                                                    σ-pullback invocations (bounded/unbounded path → telic/atelic VP) #

                                                                    theorem Krifka1998.walked_from_to_telic_propositional {Loc : Type u_1} {Time : Type u_2} [LinearOrder Time] [cem : Semantics.Events.CEM.EventCEM Time] [SemilatticeSup (Semantics.Spatial.Path.Path Loc)] [st : Semantics.Spatial.Trace Loc Time] (hinj : Function.Injective Semantics.Spatial.Trace.σ) {P : Semantics.Spatial.Path.Path LocProp} (hP : Mereology.QUA P) :

                                                                    Bounded path predicate (QUA) ↦ telic VP via the σ-pullback. Backs the K98 §4.5 walked from X to Y analysis at the Bool-tag level.

                                                                    theorem Krifka1998.walked_towards_atelic_propositional {Loc : Type u_1} {Time : Type u_2} [LinearOrder Time] [cem : Semantics.Events.CEM.EventCEM Time] [SemilatticeSup (Semantics.Spatial.Path.Path Loc)] [st : Semantics.Spatial.Trace Loc Time] {P : Semantics.Spatial.Path.Path LocProp} (hP : Mereology.CUM P) :

                                                                    Unbounded path predicate (CUM) ↦ atelic VP via the σ-pullback. Backs the K98 §4.5 walked towards X analysis at the Bool-tag level.

                                                                    EXP / SEINC instances on Event Time (K98 §4.1) #

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                                                                    abbrev Krifka1998.expEv {α : Type u_1} [SemilatticeSup α] {Time : Type u_2} [LinearOrder Time] (θ : αSemantics.Events.Event TimeProp) :

                                                                    EXP-as-property of any θ : α → Event Time → Prop using Event.precedes.

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                                                                      abbrev Krifka1998.seincEv {α : Type u_1} [SemilatticeSup α] {Time : Type u_2} [LinearOrder Time] [Semantics.Events.CEM.EventCEM Time] (θ : αSemantics.Events.Event TimeProp) :

                                                                      SEINC-as-property using Event.precedes. EventCEM provides the required [SemilatticeSup (Event Time)].

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                                                                        SMR / MR instances on Path Loc → Event Time → Prop (K98 §4.2-4.3) #

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                                                                        abbrev Krifka1998.smrPath {Loc : Type u_1} {Time : Type u_2} [LinearOrder Time] [Semantics.Events.CEM.EventCEM Time] [PartialOrder (Semantics.Spatial.Path.Path Loc)] [SemilatticeSup (Semantics.Spatial.Path.Path Loc)] (θ : Semantics.Spatial.Path.Path LocSemantics.Events.Event TimeProp) :

                                                                        SMR specialized to paths and events with concrete adjacency.

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                                                                          abbrev Krifka1998.mrPath {Loc : Type u_1} {Time : Type u_2} [LinearOrder Time] [Semantics.Events.CEM.EventCEM Time] [PartialOrder (Semantics.Spatial.Path.Path Loc)] [SemilatticeSup (Semantics.Spatial.Path.Path Loc)] (θ : Semantics.Spatial.Path.Path LocSemantics.Events.Event TimeProp) :

                                                                          MR specialized to paths and events with concrete adjacency + precedence.

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