@cite{labov-2006} — The Social Stratification of English in New York City #
Cambridge University Press (2nd edition, 2006; first edition 1966).
The foundational study of quantitative sociolinguistics. Labov establishes that linguistic variation in NYC is not "free" but forms a highly structured system along two independent dimensions: social class (measured by a composite socioeconomic index) and contextual style (measured by degree of attention to speech).
Core contributions formalized here #
The department store study (Ch. 3): rapid anonymous survey showing (r) stratification across Saks, Macy's, and Klein employees (Table 3.4).
Table 7.8 — Class stratification of the five variables (Ch. 7, p. 140): the centerpiece data matrix. Five phonological variables — (r), (æh), (oh), (th), (dh) — measured across three class groups (SEC 0–2, 3–5, 6–9) and multiple contextual styles. All five show both class stratification and style shifting (with one notable exception: the lower class shows no style shifting for (oh)).
The (oh) real deviation (Ch. 7, p. 146): the lower class (0–2) shows no style shifting for (oh) and deviates from class stratification. This is the only "real deviation" in the five-variable system, providing evidence that (oh) is not socially significant for the lower class. Labov: "For the phonological variables, real deviations from class stratification are consistently and reciprocally associated with real deviations from stylistic stratification."
(ing) stratification (Ch. 10, Table 10.10): the (ing) variable as a Case I-A pattern — stable stigmatized feature with monotone class and style stratification. The sc3/sc4 anomaly in casual speech for older speakers (upper-middle SEC 9 uses more /in/ than lower-middle SEC 7–8) reflects the (ing) crossover in informal contexts.
Variable typology: all five phonological variables are markers (second-order indexicals showing style shifting). (r) is a change from above; (æh) and (oh) are changes from below; (th) and (dh) are stable.
The crossover pattern #
The most famous finding is the (r) crossover: in formal styles (D, D'),
the lower-middle class (SEC 6–8) exceeds the upper-middle class (SEC 9)
in use of the prestige variant, overshooting the target norm. This
hypercorrection is characteristic of variables undergoing change from
above. The crossover requires a finer class division (4+ groups) than
Table 7.8's three-way split, so we formalize it as a structural concept
via StratificationProfile.hasCrossover without stipulating the exact
numbers from the finer-grained data.
Three-group classification from Table 7.8 (p. 140). The 10-point SEC index collapsed into three roughly equal groups (N: 23, 28, 30 informants respectively).
- lower : ClassGroup
- working : ClassGroup
- middle : ClassGroup
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- Labov2006.instDecidableEqClassGroup x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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- Labov2006.instReprClassGroup = { reprPrec := Labov2006.instReprClassGroup.repr }
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- Labov2006.instLTClassGroup = { lt := fun (a b : Labov2006.ClassGroup) => a.toNat < b.toNat }
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- Labov2006.instLEClassGroup = { le := fun (a b : Labov2006.ClassGroup) => a.toNat ≤ b.toNat }
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- Labov2006.instDecidableLtClassGroup a b = a.toNat.decLt b.toNat
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- Labov2006.instDecidableLeClassGroup a b = a.toNat.decLe b.toNat
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- Labov2006.instDecidableEqStore x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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- Labov2006.instReprStore = { reprPrec := Labov2006.instReprStore.repr }
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- Labov2006.instReprStore.repr Labov2006.Store.saks prec✝ = Repr.addAppParen (Std.Format.nest (if prec✝ ≥ 1024 then 1 else 2) (Std.Format.text "Labov2006.Store.saks")).group prec✝
- Labov2006.instReprStore.repr Labov2006.Store.macys prec✝ = Repr.addAppParen (Std.Format.nest (if prec✝ ≥ 1024 then 1 else 2) (Std.Format.text "Labov2006.Store.macys")).group prec✝
- Labov2006.instReprStore.repr Labov2006.Store.klein prec✝ = Repr.addAppParen (Std.Format.nest (if prec✝ ≥ 1024 then 1 else 2) (Std.Format.text "Labov2006.Store.klein")).group prec✝
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Store prestige ranking: Klein < Macy's < Saks.
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- Labov2006.instLTStore = { lt := fun (a b : Labov2006.Store) => a.toNat < b.toNat }
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- Labov2006.instDecidableLtStore a b = a.toNat.decLt b.toNat
Distribution of (r) for complete responses (Table 3.4). Values are percentage of total responses in each category. N: Saks 33, Macy's 48, Klein 34.
- allR1 : ℚ
- someR1 : ℚ
- noR1 : ℚ
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- Labov2006.deptStore Labov2006.Store.saks = { allR1 := 24, someR1 := 46, noR1 := 30 }
- Labov2006.deptStore Labov2006.Store.macys = { allR1 := 22, someR1 := 37, noR1 := 41 }
- Labov2006.deptStore Labov2006.Store.klein = { allR1 := 6, someR1 := 12, noR1 := 82 }
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Any (r-1) usage = allR1 + someR1.
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- Labov2006.anyR1 s = (Labov2006.deptStore s).allR1 + (Labov2006.deptStore s).someR1
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(r) stratification: Saks > Macy's > Klein in any (r-1) usage.
(th) stops in fourth: Saks 0%, Macy's 4%, Klein 15%. Parallel stratification on an independent variable.
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Table 7.8 is the centerpiece of the book: five phonological variables measured across three class groups (SEC 0–2, 3–5, 6–9) and multiple contextual styles. Data verified against the 2nd edition PDF (p. 140).
Index conventions (important for interpreting directions):
- (r): % (r-1) usage. Higher = more prestige form. 5 styles (A–D'). Increases with formality and class.
- (æh): vowel height × 10 (scale 10–60). Higher = lower vowel = closer to standard. 4 styles (A–D).
- (oh): same convention as (æh). 4 styles (A–D).
- (th), (dh): % non-fricative (affricate + stop) forms × 100. Higher = more stigmatized. 3 styles (A–C).
(r) index from Table 7.8. % (r-1) usage; higher = more prestige.
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- Labov2006.r_index Labov2006.ClassGroup.lower Phenomena.SocialMeaning.IndexicalField.ContextualStyle.casual = 5 / 2
- Labov2006.r_index Labov2006.ClassGroup.lower Phenomena.SocialMeaning.IndexicalField.ContextualStyle.careful = 21 / 2
- Labov2006.r_index Labov2006.ClassGroup.lower Phenomena.SocialMeaning.IndexicalField.ContextualStyle.reading = 29 / 2
- Labov2006.r_index Labov2006.ClassGroup.lower Phenomena.SocialMeaning.IndexicalField.ContextualStyle.wordList = 47 / 2
- Labov2006.r_index Labov2006.ClassGroup.lower Phenomena.SocialMeaning.IndexicalField.ContextualStyle.minimalPair = 99 / 2
- Labov2006.r_index Labov2006.ClassGroup.working Phenomena.SocialMeaning.IndexicalField.ContextualStyle.casual = 4
- Labov2006.r_index Labov2006.ClassGroup.working Phenomena.SocialMeaning.IndexicalField.ContextualStyle.careful = 25 / 2
- Labov2006.r_index Labov2006.ClassGroup.working Phenomena.SocialMeaning.IndexicalField.ContextualStyle.reading = 21
- Labov2006.r_index Labov2006.ClassGroup.working Phenomena.SocialMeaning.IndexicalField.ContextualStyle.wordList = 35
- Labov2006.r_index Labov2006.ClassGroup.working Phenomena.SocialMeaning.IndexicalField.ContextualStyle.minimalPair = 55
- Labov2006.r_index Labov2006.ClassGroup.middle Phenomena.SocialMeaning.IndexicalField.ContextualStyle.casual = 25 / 2
- Labov2006.r_index Labov2006.ClassGroup.middle Phenomena.SocialMeaning.IndexicalField.ContextualStyle.careful = 25
- Labov2006.r_index Labov2006.ClassGroup.middle Phenomena.SocialMeaning.IndexicalField.ContextualStyle.reading = 29
- Labov2006.r_index Labov2006.ClassGroup.middle Phenomena.SocialMeaning.IndexicalField.ContextualStyle.wordList = 111 / 2
- Labov2006.r_index Labov2006.ClassGroup.middle Phenomena.SocialMeaning.IndexicalField.ContextualStyle.minimalPair = 70
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(r) class stratification: middle > working > lower at every style. Higher class uses more of the prestige form (r-1) (Figure 7.1).
(r) style shifting: every class uses more (r-1) in formal styles.
(æh) index from Table 7.8, per style. Vowel height × 10; higher = lower vowel = closer to standard. 4 styles (A–D); no minimal pair data.
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(æh) class stratification: middle > working > lower at styles A–C (higher index = closer to standard = less stigmatized; Figure 7.2). At Style D (word lists), lower and working converge (both 32).
(oh) index from Table 7.8. Same convention as (æh): higher = closer to standard. 4 styles (A–D). The lower class (0–2) shows the "real deviation" — no style shifting and inverted class stratification.
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The (oh) real deviation (@cite{labov-2006} Ch. 7, p. 146): the lower class does not treat (oh) as a socially significant variable.
Three key properties:
- No style shift: lower class D (21) < A (23) — they move AWAY from standard in formal speech (the opposite of style shifting).
- Middle class style shift: middle class shifts dramatically from 20 (A) to 29.5 (D), showing normal style correction.
- Inverted class stratification: in casual speech (A), the middle class (20) has LOWER (oh) values (= more raised = more NYC) than the lower class (23), inverting the expected pattern where the lower class should be most NYC.
Labov: "it is oriented neither towards the class structure nor the stylistic structure."
Despite the real deviation, the working and middle classes show regular style shifting for (oh): values increase from A to D (shifting toward standard in more formal styles).
(th) index from Table 7.8. % non-fricative forms × 100; higher = more stigmatized. 3 styles only (A–C).
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(th) class stratification: lower > working > middle at every style. The three class lines show regular separation (Figure 7.4).
(th) style shifting: every class uses fewer stops in more formal styles. A > B > C for all three classes.
(dh) index from Table 7.8. Same convention as (th). 3 styles (A–C).
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- Labov2006.dh_A Labov2006.ClassGroup.lower = 157 / 2
- Labov2006.dh_A Labov2006.ClassGroup.working = 127 / 2
- Labov2006.dh_A Labov2006.ClassGroup.middle = 59 / 2
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(dh) class stratification: lower > working > middle at every style. Roughly parallel separation through all three styles (Figure 7.5).
(dh) style shifting: every class uses fewer stops in more formal styles. A > B > C for all three classes.
The five phonological variables of the NYC study. All five show both class stratification and style shifting in Table 7.8, making them second-order indexicals (markers).
- r : NYCVariable
- aeh : NYCVariable
- oh : NYCVariable
- th : NYCVariable
- dh : NYCVariable
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- Labov2006.instDecidableEqNYCVariable x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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- Labov2006.instReprNYCVariable.repr Labov2006.NYCVariable.r prec✝ = Repr.addAppParen (Std.Format.nest (if prec✝ ≥ 1024 then 1 else 2) (Std.Format.text "Labov2006.NYCVariable.r")).group prec✝
- Labov2006.instReprNYCVariable.repr Labov2006.NYCVariable.aeh prec✝ = Repr.addAppParen (Std.Format.nest (if prec✝ ≥ 1024 then 1 else 2) (Std.Format.text "Labov2006.NYCVariable.aeh")).group prec✝
- Labov2006.instReprNYCVariable.repr Labov2006.NYCVariable.oh prec✝ = Repr.addAppParen (Std.Format.nest (if prec✝ ≥ 1024 then 1 else 2) (Std.Format.text "Labov2006.NYCVariable.oh")).group prec✝
- Labov2006.instReprNYCVariable.repr Labov2006.NYCVariable.th prec✝ = Repr.addAppParen (Std.Format.nest (if prec✝ ≥ 1024 then 1 else 2) (Std.Format.text "Labov2006.NYCVariable.th")).group prec✝
- Labov2006.instReprNYCVariable.repr Labov2006.NYCVariable.dh prec✝ = Repr.addAppParen (Std.Format.nest (if prec✝ ≥ 1024 then 1 else 2) (Std.Format.text "Labov2006.NYCVariable.dh")).group prec✝
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- Labov2006.instReprNYCVariable = { reprPrec := Labov2006.instReprNYCVariable.repr }
Classification of each variable by indexical order and change status, following @cite{labov-2006} Ch. 7.
All five variables show style shifting (Table 7.8), making them markers (second-order). The lower class's "real deviation" for (oh) means (oh) is not a marker for that group, but the variable is a marker for the community overall.
The change status reflects the direction and social mechanism:
- (r): new prestige feature spreading from highest-status group → change from above
- (æh): raised variant spreading from interior groups, below conscious awareness → change from below
- (oh): raised variant spreading from interior groups, below conscious awareness → change from below
- (th), (dh): stable stigmatized features, no change in apparent time → stable
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- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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All five NYC variables are markers (second-order indexicals).
(r) is undergoing change from above.
(th) and (dh) are stable.
(æh) and (oh) are changes from below.
Average (ing) indexes by age and social class for adult white NYC informants (Table 10.10, p. 258). The index is percent /in/ forms (0–100). SC 1 = SEC 0–2, SC 2 = SEC 3–6, SC 3 = SEC 7–8, SC 4 = SEC 9.
Note: the SC grouping for (ing) differs from the three-way split in Table 7.8 (0–2 / 3–5 / 6–9). Table 10.10 splits the middle range differently (3–6 / 7–8) and isolates SEC 9 as its own group.
- sc1 : ℚ
- sc2 : ℚ
- sc3 : ℚ
- sc4 : ℚ
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(ing) in Style A (casual speech), ages 20–39 (Table 10.10).
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- Labov2006.ing_A_young = { sc1 := 90, sc2 := 60, sc3 := 43, sc4 := 0 }
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(ing) in Style A (casual speech), ages 40+ (Table 10.10).
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- Labov2006.ing_A_older = { sc1 := 85, sc2 := 48, sc3 := 21, sc4 := 23 }
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(ing) in Style B (careful speech), ages 20–39 (Table 10.10).
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- Labov2006.ing_B_young = { sc1 := 75, sc2 := 45, sc3 := 50, sc4 := 2 }
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(ing) in Style B (careful speech), ages 40+ (Table 10.10).
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- Labov2006.ing_B_older = { sc1 := 50, sc2 := 27, sc3 := 12, sc4 := 2 }
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(ing) is monotonically stratified in Style A for young speakers: lower class > working > lower-middle > upper-middle.
(ing) stratification in Style A for older speakers: sc1 > sc2 > sc3, but sc4 (23) > sc3 (21) — upper-middle class (SEC 9) uses MORE /in/ than lower-middle class (SEC 7–8) in casual speech. This is the (ing) crossover: the lower-middle class hypercorrects even in casual speech (dropping /in/ below the upper-middle class rate), while the upper-middle class does not.
(ing) is monotonically stratified in Style B for older speakers. Unlike Style A, there is no sc3/sc4 anomaly.
Style shifting: each class uses less /in/ in careful (B) than casual (A) speech, for older speakers.
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- Labov2006.instDecidableEqINGStyle x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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- Labov2006.instReprINGStyle.repr Labov2006.INGStyle.A prec✝ = Repr.addAppParen (Std.Format.nest (if prec✝ ≥ 1024 then 1 else 2) (Std.Format.text "Labov2006.INGStyle.A")).group prec✝
- Labov2006.instReprINGStyle.repr Labov2006.INGStyle.B prec✝ = Repr.addAppParen (Std.Format.nest (if prec✝ ≥ 1024 then 1 else 2) (Std.Format.text "Labov2006.INGStyle.B")).group prec✝
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- Labov2006.instReprINGStyle = { reprPrec := Labov2006.instReprINGStyle.repr }
Four-group SEC classification used in the (ing) data.
(Different grouping from ClassGroup: SC2 = SEC 3–6.)
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- Labov2006.instDecidableEqINGClass x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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- Labov2006.instReprINGClass.repr Labov2006.INGClass.sc1 prec✝ = Repr.addAppParen (Std.Format.nest (if prec✝ ≥ 1024 then 1 else 2) (Std.Format.text "Labov2006.INGClass.sc1")).group prec✝
- Labov2006.instReprINGClass.repr Labov2006.INGClass.sc2 prec✝ = Repr.addAppParen (Std.Format.nest (if prec✝ ≥ 1024 then 1 else 2) (Std.Format.text "Labov2006.INGClass.sc2")).group prec✝
- Labov2006.instReprINGClass.repr Labov2006.INGClass.sc3 prec✝ = Repr.addAppParen (Std.Format.nest (if prec✝ ≥ 1024 then 1 else 2) (Std.Format.text "Labov2006.INGClass.sc3")).group prec✝
- Labov2006.instReprINGClass.repr Labov2006.INGClass.sc4 prec✝ = Repr.addAppParen (Std.Format.nest (if prec✝ ≥ 1024 then 1 else 2) (Std.Format.text "Labov2006.INGClass.sc4")).group prec✝
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- Labov2006.instReprINGClass = { reprPrec := Labov2006.instReprINGClass.repr }
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- Labov2006.instLTINGClass = { lt := fun (a b : Labov2006.INGClass) => a.toNat < b.toNat }
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- Labov2006.instDecidableLtINGClass a b = a.toNat.decLt b.toNat
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- One or more equations did not get rendered due to their size.
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(ing) style shifting (StratificationProfile predicate): every class uses less /in/ in careful (B) than casual (A) speech.
(ing) class stratification in Style B: monotonically decreasing. sc1 > sc2 > sc3 ≥ sc4. Unlike Style A, no sc3/sc4 anomaly.
(ing) is a marker (second-order): it shows both social stratification and style shifting. Classified as Case I-A by @cite{labov-2006} — a stigmatized feature not involved in change.