Scalar Implicatures: Empirical Data + canonical some/all model #
Theory-neutral empirical patterns for scalar implicatures, plus the
canonical 3-world SomeAllWorld model used by every study file in the
directory that evaluates some/all sentence meanings.
Phenomena Covered #
- DE Blocking: Scalar implicatures blocked in downward-entailing contexts
- Weak vs Strong: ¬Bel_S(ψ) vs Bel_S(¬ψ) distinction
- Horn Scales: Scale examples with implicatures
- Hurford's Constraint: Entailing disjunctions and rescue by exhaustification
- Singh's Asymmetry: Order effects in scalar disjunctions
Canonical world model #
SomeAllWorld is the minimal scenario type for evaluating the
some/all scalar contrast: three worlds covering "no entity has the
property" / "at least one but not all do" / "all do". The three
predicates atLeastOne/universal/notUniversal give the literal
some/all/SI meanings. Used by Hurford.lean, Embedded/Basic.lean,
Embedded/Attitudes.lean (as a component of BeliefWorld), and the
GeurtsPouscoulous2009 study file.
Key References #
- Horn, L. (1972). On the Semantic Properties of Logical Operators in English.
- Hurford, J. (1974). Exclusive or inclusive disjunction. Foundations of Language.
- Gazdar, G. (1979). Pragmatics: Implicature, Presupposition, and Logical Form.
- Singh, R. (2008). On the interpretation of disjunction.
- Geurts, B. (2010). Quantity Implicatures. Cambridge University Press. Ch. 2-3.
- @cite{fox-spector-2018}. Economy and embedded exhaustification.
Canonical some/all world model #
The minimal scenario type for evaluating the some/all scalar
contrast. Three worlds, parameterized by an implicit entity-set whose
property-holders are being counted: zero (none), at least one but not
all (someNotAll), or all (all).
- none : SomeAllWorld
- someNotAll : SomeAllWorld
- all : SomeAllWorld
Instances For
Equations
- Phenomena.ScalarImplicatures.instDecidableEqSomeAllWorld x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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Literal some meaning: at least one entity has the property.
Equations
- Phenomena.ScalarImplicatures.SomeAllWorld.none.atLeastOne = False
- x✝.atLeastOne = True
Instances For
Literal all meaning: every entity has the property.
Equations
- Phenomena.ScalarImplicatures.SomeAllWorld.all.universal = True
- x✝.universal = False
Instances For
The canonical scalar implicature of some: not all. Defined as the
negation of universal.
Equations
- w.notUniversal = ¬w.universal
Instances For
Equations
- Phenomena.ScalarImplicatures.SomeAllWorld.none.instDecidablePredAtLeastOne = isFalse not_false
- Phenomena.ScalarImplicatures.SomeAllWorld.someNotAll.instDecidablePredAtLeastOne = isTrue trivial
- Phenomena.ScalarImplicatures.SomeAllWorld.all.instDecidablePredAtLeastOne = isTrue trivial
Equations
- Phenomena.ScalarImplicatures.SomeAllWorld.none.instDecidablePredUniversal = isFalse not_false
- Phenomena.ScalarImplicatures.SomeAllWorld.someNotAll.instDecidablePredUniversal = isFalse not_false
- Phenomena.ScalarImplicatures.SomeAllWorld.all.instDecidablePredUniversal = isTrue trivial
all asymmetrically entails some: this is the structural source of the some/all scalar contrast.
The SI of some is exactly the complement of all.
Empirical pattern: Scalar implicatures in DE contexts.
In upward-entailing (UE) contexts, "some" implicates "not all". In downward-entailing (DE) contexts, this implicature is blocked.
Examples:
- UE: "John ate some cookies" → "not all cookies"
- DE: "No one ate some cookies" → no "not all" implicature
- ueExample : String
Example in UE context
- deExample : String
Example in DE context
- scalarTerm : String
Scalar term used
- strongerAlt : String
Stronger alternative on the scale
- implicatureInUE : Bool
Does the implicature arise in UE?
- implicatureInDE : Bool
Does the implicature arise in DE?
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Classic example: "some" in DE blocks "not all" implicature. Source: @cite{ladusaw-1980}, @cite{geurts-2010} Ch. 3.2
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"or" in DE blocks "not and" implicature. Source: @cite{geurts-2010} Ch. 3.2
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"possible" in DE contexts. Source: @cite{horn-1989}
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Restrictor of "every" is DE. Source: @cite{ladusaw-1980}, @cite{barwise-cooper-1981}
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All DE blocking examples.
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Empirical pattern: Weak vs strong implicatures.
From "some students came":
- Weak: Speaker doesn't believe all came (¬Bel_S(all))
- Strong: Speaker believes not all came (Bel_S(¬all))
The strong requires a competence assumption.
Source: @cite{soames-1982}, @cite{geurts-2010} Ch. 2.3
- utterance : String
The utterance
- alternative : String
The scalar alternative
- weakImplicature : String
Weak implicature description
- strongImplicature : String
Strong implicature description
- weakRequiresCompetence : Bool
Does weak require competence?
- strongRequiresCompetence : Bool
Does strong require competence?
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Classic "some" example. Source: @cite{horn-1972}, @cite{geurts-2010} Ch. 2.3
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"Or" example showing weak vs strong. Source: @cite{gazdar-1979}
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Numeral example. Source: @cite{horn-1972}
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All weak/strong examples.
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A Horn scale with its members and example implicatures. Source: @cite{horn-1972}
- name : String
Name of the scale
- members : List String
Members from weakest to strongest
- exampleSentence : String
Example sentence with weakest term
- implicature : String
Resulting implicature
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Quantifier scale. Source: @cite{horn-1972}
Equations
- Phenomena.ScalarImplicatures.quantifierScale = { name := "Quantifiers", members := ["some", "most", "all"], exampleSentence := "Some students passed", implicature := "Not all students passed" }
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Connective scale. Source: @cite{horn-1972}
Equations
- Phenomena.ScalarImplicatures.connectiveScale = { name := "Connectives", members := ["or", "and"], exampleSentence := "John sang or danced", implicature := "John didn't both sing and dance" }
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Modal scale. Source: @cite{horn-1972}
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Numeral scale (with lower-bound semantics). Source: @cite{horn-1972}
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All Horn scale examples.
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An example sentence demonstrating a scalar implicature.
- sentence : String
The sentence
- implicature : String
The predicted implicature
- arisesInUE : Bool
Does the implicature arise in upward-entailing context?
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A Horn scale datum with weaker/stronger terms (string-level).
- name : String
Name of the scale
- weakerTerm : String
The weaker scalar term (e.g., "some")
- strongerTerm : String
The stronger scalar term (e.g., "all")
- exampleSentence : ScaleExample
Example sentence
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Example: "Some students passed"
Equations
- Phenomena.ScalarImplicatures.someAllExample = { sentence := "Some students passed", implicature := "Not all students passed" }
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The some/all scale datum.
Equations
- Phenomena.ScalarImplicatures.someAllDatum = { name := "Quantifiers (some/all)", weakerTerm := "some", strongerTerm := "all", exampleSentence := Phenomena.ScalarImplicatures.someAllExample }
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Example: "John sang or danced"
Equations
- Phenomena.ScalarImplicatures.orAndExample = { sentence := "John sang or danced", implicature := "John didn't both sing and dance" }
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The or/and scale datum.
Equations
- Phenomena.ScalarImplicatures.orAndDatum = { name := "Connectives (or/and)", weakerTerm := "or", strongerTerm := "and", exampleSentence := Phenomena.ScalarImplicatures.orAndExample }
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Example: "It's possible it will rain"
Equations
- Phenomena.ScalarImplicatures.possibleNecessaryExample = { sentence := "It's possible that it will rain", implicature := "It's not necessary that it will rain" }
Instances For
The possible/necessary scale datum.
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All scale examples (string-level).
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All Horn scale pair data.
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All examples arise in UE contexts.
A potential Hurford violation: a disjunction "A or B" where one disjunct entails the other.
- sentence : String
The disjunction sentence
- disjunctA : String
First disjunct
- disjunctB : String
Second disjunct
- entailmentDirection : String
Which direction is the entailment?
- felicitous : Bool
Is the sentence felicitous?
- rescueMethod : Option String
If felicitous, how is it rescued?
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Classic Hurford violation: hyponym or hypernym. "#John is American or Californian" — Californian entails American.
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"#John is a bachelor or unmarried" — bachelor entails unmarried.
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"#The number is even or divisible by 2"
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Rescued by exhaustification: "some or all". exh(some) = "some but not all", which doesn't entail "all".
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Rescued: "possible or necessary". exh(possible) = "possible but not necessary", doesn't entail "necessary".
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Rescued: "three or all" (distant entailing disjunction). exh(three) = "exactly three", which doesn't entail "all".
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Infelicitous Hurford violations.
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Felicitous (rescued) cases.
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All Hurford data.
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All violations are infelicitous.
All rescued cases are felicitous.
All rescued cases have a rescue method.
A Singh-style disjunction where one disjunct is stronger than the other.
- sentence : String
The full sentence
- weakerDisjunct : String
The weaker disjunct (e.g., "A or B")
- strongerDisjunct : String
The stronger disjunct (e.g., "A and B" / "both")
- weakerFirst : Bool
Is the weaker mentioned first?
- felicitous : Bool
Is the sentence felicitous?
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Classic Singh example: weak-first is OK. "Mary solved problem A or B, or both"
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"John ate cake or pie, or both"
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"It's possible or necessary that it will rain"
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Strong-first is odd: "#both, or A or B"
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"#John ate both, or cake or pie"
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"#It's necessary or possible that it will rain" (Strong-first with modals)
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Weak-first (felicitous) cases.
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Strong-first (infelicitous) cases.
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All Singh data.
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Weak-first cases are felicitous.
Strong-first cases are infelicitous.
All weak-first cases have weakerFirst = true.
All strong-first cases have weakerFirst = false.
The Singh asymmetry: felicitous ↔ weakerFirst (at the data level; theory explains why)