@cite{kehler-rohde-2013} #
@cite{hobbs-1979} @cite{kehler-2002}
A Probabilistic Reconciliation of Coherence-Driven and Centering-Driven Theories of Pronoun Interpretation. Theoretical Linguistics 39(1-2), 1–37.
Core Argument #
Two theories make seemingly irreconcilable claims about pronoun interpretation. @cite{hobbs-1979}: it is a by-product of coherence establishment; grammatical form is irrelevant. Centering (Grosz, Joshi & Weinstein 1995): it is driven by information structure and grammatical roles; world knowledge is irrelevant.
The reconciliation is a Bayesian decomposition (eq. 13):
P(referent | pronoun) ∝ P(pronoun | referent) × P(referent)
The two terms have different conditioning:
- P(referent): coherence-driven next-mention bias, computed via eq. (9):
P(referent) = Σ_CR P(CR) × P(referent | CR) - P(pronoun | referent): production/form bias, driven by topichood (centering's contribution)
Five experiments with transfer-of-possession verbs and IC verbs confirm that these two components are empirically dissociable.
Key Findings #
| # | Finding | Section |
|---|---|---|
| 1 | Imperfective → more Source interpretations than perfective | §3 |
| 2 | Coherence relations strongly condition next-mention bias | §4 |
| 3 | Shifting P(CR) via instructions shifts interpretation | §5 |
| 4 | P(referent|CR) stable across conditions | §6 |
| 5 | Pronoun prompt shifts CR distribution bidirectionally | §7 |
| 6 | Voice affects next-mention but not pronominalization per position | §8 |
| 7 | Passive subject → more pronominalization than active subject | §8 |
| 8 | Bayesian predictions match actual interpretation biases | §8 |
| 9 | Contiguity class splits: Occasion → Goal, Elaboration → Source | §9 |
Independence Hypothesis #
P(pronoun | referent) is conditioned by topichood/subjecthood, while P(referent) is conditioned by coherence relations. These two components are independent: coherence-driven semantic biases affect next-mention but NOT pronominalization rate.
Prompt type in passage completion experiments.
- pronoun : PromptType
- noPronoun : PromptType
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- KehlerRohde2013.instDecidableEqPromptType x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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- KehlerRohde2013.instReprPromptType = { reprPrec := KehlerRohde2013.instReprPromptType.repr }
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Instruction condition (transfer-of-possession exps).
- whatNext : InstructionCond
- why : InstructionCond
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- KehlerRohde2013.instDecidableEqInstructionCond x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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Eq. (9): coherence-marginalized next-mention bias.
P(referent) = Σ_CR P(CR) × P(referent | CR)
The prior probability of a referent being mentioned next is a mixture of CR-specific biases weighted by the prior over coherence relations. This is the coherence-driven "top-down" component.
P(CR): prior probability of coherence relation (%)
- pSourceGivenCR : Core.Discourse.Coherence.CoherenceRelation → ℕ
P(referent = Source | CR): Source bias given CR (%)
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Topichood level, determined by grammatical construction.
Passive subjects signal stronger topichood than active subjects: using a marked construction to place an entity in subject position is a stronger indicator that the speaker treats it as the sentence topic (@cite{davison-1984}). This is the centering-driven "bottom-up" component of the model.
The P(pronoun | referent) term in eq. (13) tracks this level, not grammatical role per se.
- strong : TopichoodLevel
- default_ : TopichoodLevel
- low : TopichoodLevel
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- KehlerRohde2013.instDecidableEqTopichoodLevel x✝ y✝ = if h : x✝.ctorIdx = y✝.ctorIdx then isTrue ⋯ else isFalse ⋯
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Compute topichood from voice and surface position.
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Table 1: Source interpretation rate by aspect. Imperfective focuses on ongoing event (Source still central); perfective focuses on end state (Goal = endpoint of transfer).
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Imperfective yields more Source interpretations than perfective.
Coherence relation frequency and bias data from Table 2
(perfective condition, transfer-of-possession verbs).
"Violated Expectation" in the paper = CoherenceRelation.contrast.
- freqPct : ℕ
- sourceGivenCR : ℕ
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- KehlerRohde2013.instReprCRDatum = { reprPrec := KehlerRohde2013.instReprCRDatum.repr }
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- KehlerRohde2013.cr_occasion = { cr := Core.Discourse.Coherence.CoherenceRelation.occasion, freqPct := 38, sourceGivenCR := 18 }
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- KehlerRohde2013.cr_elaboration = { cr := Core.Discourse.Coherence.CoherenceRelation.elaboration, freqPct := 28, sourceGivenCR := 98 }
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- KehlerRohde2013.cr_explanation = { cr := Core.Discourse.Coherence.CoherenceRelation.explanation, freqPct := 18, sourceGivenCR := 80 }
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- KehlerRohde2013.cr_violatedExp = { cr := Core.Discourse.Coherence.CoherenceRelation.contrast, freqPct := 8, sourceGivenCR := 76 }
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- KehlerRohde2013.cr_result = { cr := Core.Discourse.Coherence.CoherenceRelation.result, freqPct := 6, sourceGivenCR := 8 }
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Occasion and Result are Goal-biased (Source < 50%).
Elaboration, Explanation, and Violated Expectation are Source-biased.
The overall ~57/43 Source/Goal split masks strong CR-conditioned biases. Occasion is most common (.38) and Goal-biased (.18 Source); Elaboration is second (.28) and strongly Source-biased (.98).
Instantiate the perfective-condition next-mention model with Table 2 data. Downstream study files can reference these CR biases.
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Table 3: "What happened next?" → Occasion-dominated; "Why?" → Explanation-dominated. Instructions shift P(CR) without changing the stimuli.
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Table 5: Source interpretation by instruction condition (perfective). Shifting P(CR) shifts P(referent), as predicted by eq. (9).
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The instruction effect is 48 pp on identical stimuli. No morphosyntactic heuristic can account for this.
Table 4: P(Source | CR) is stable across the original experiment and the instruction manipulation, supporting the structural claim that CR-conditioned biases are properties of the coherence relation itself, not the experimental context.
- originalPct : ℕ
- instructionPct : ℕ
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- KehlerRohde2013.stab_elaboration = { cr := Core.Discourse.Coherence.CoherenceRelation.elaboration, originalPct := 98, instructionPct := 100 }
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- KehlerRohde2013.stab_explanation = { cr := Core.Discourse.Coherence.CoherenceRelation.explanation, originalPct := 80, instructionPct := 82 }
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- KehlerRohde2013.stab_violatedExp = { cr := Core.Discourse.Coherence.CoherenceRelation.contrast, originalPct := 76, instructionPct := 74 }
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- KehlerRohde2013.stab_occasion = { cr := Core.Discourse.Coherence.CoherenceRelation.occasion, originalPct := 18, instructionPct := 27 }
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- KehlerRohde2013.stab_result = { cr := Core.Discourse.Coherence.CoherenceRelation.result, originalPct := 8, instructionPct := 9 }
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Bias direction (above/below 50%) is preserved for all five CRs across conditions. P(CR) can shift independently of P(ref|CR).
Table 6: CR distribution by prompt type. The mere presence of an ambiguous pronoun shifts coherence expectations toward Source-biased relations. This bidirectionality — coreference affects coherence, not just vice versa — is predicted by Bayes (eq. 12) but not by Hobbs (pronouns are inert free variables) or Centering (does not model coherence).
- prompt : PromptType
- freqPct : ℕ
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- KehlerRohde2013.np_elaboration = { prompt := KehlerRohde2013.PromptType.noPronoun, cr := Core.Discourse.Coherence.CoherenceRelation.elaboration, freqPct := 6 }
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- KehlerRohde2013.np_explanation = { prompt := KehlerRohde2013.PromptType.noPronoun, cr := Core.Discourse.Coherence.CoherenceRelation.explanation, freqPct := 20 }
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- KehlerRohde2013.np_occasion = { prompt := KehlerRohde2013.PromptType.noPronoun, cr := Core.Discourse.Coherence.CoherenceRelation.occasion, freqPct := 36 }
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- KehlerRohde2013.np_result = { prompt := KehlerRohde2013.PromptType.noPronoun, cr := Core.Discourse.Coherence.CoherenceRelation.result, freqPct := 13 }
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- KehlerRohde2013.np_violatedExp = { prompt := KehlerRohde2013.PromptType.noPronoun, cr := Core.Discourse.Coherence.CoherenceRelation.contrast, freqPct := 18 }
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- KehlerRohde2013.pp_elaboration = { prompt := KehlerRohde2013.PromptType.pronoun, cr := Core.Discourse.Coherence.CoherenceRelation.elaboration, freqPct := 20 }
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- KehlerRohde2013.pp_explanation = { prompt := KehlerRohde2013.PromptType.pronoun, cr := Core.Discourse.Coherence.CoherenceRelation.explanation, freqPct := 28 }
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- KehlerRohde2013.pp_occasion = { prompt := KehlerRohde2013.PromptType.pronoun, cr := Core.Discourse.Coherence.CoherenceRelation.occasion, freqPct := 28 }
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- KehlerRohde2013.pp_result = { prompt := KehlerRohde2013.PromptType.pronoun, cr := Core.Discourse.Coherence.CoherenceRelation.result, freqPct := 5 }
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- KehlerRohde2013.pp_violatedExp = { prompt := KehlerRohde2013.PromptType.pronoun, cr := Core.Discourse.Coherence.CoherenceRelation.contrast, freqPct := 14 }
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Pronoun prompt increases Source-biased CRs.
Pronoun prompt decreases Goal-biased CRs.
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Voice affects next-mention in pronoun condition: active (.77) vs passive (.42). Passivization moves the causally-implicated referent out of subject position — same proposition, different bias.
In the no-pronoun condition the pattern reverses: passive (.76) > active (.59). By-phrases are optional in English, so their inclusion signals the referent will be re-mentioned.
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Voice affects coherence in pronoun condition: active produces more Explanations than passive. Since propositions are identical, this is mediated by the shift in pronominal reference — demonstrating bidirectional coherence–coreference dependency.
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Central topichood prediction: passive subjects are pronominalized more than active subjects (87% vs 62%).
This is NOT explicable by grammatical role alone — both are subjects. It reflects the stronger topichood signal of the passive: using a marked syntactic form to place an entity in subject position is a stronger indicator of topic status. This is the key evidence that P(pronoun | referent) tracks TOPICHOOD, not subjecthood.
Non-subject pronominalization is invariant across voice (24% vs 23%). At the same topichood level (low), the voice manipulation — which changes coherence expectations dramatically — has no effect on pronominalization rate. This is the Independence Hypothesis in action: P(pronoun | referent) does not depend on coherence-driven factors.
Subjects are pronominalized more than non-subjects in both voices. This subject advantage is the centering-derived component.
Topichood monotonically predicts pronominalization: strong (passive subject, 87%) > default (active subject, 62%)
low (non-subject, ~24%).
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Bayesian predictions are directionally correct: active > passive in both predicted and actual biases.
The passive prediction is highly accurate (59% vs 60%).
Compute the coherence-marginalized Source bias from a NextMentionModel. This IS equation (9): P(Source) = Σ_CR P(CR) × P(Source | CR). Result is in basis points (×10000); divide by 100 for percentage.
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Eq. (9) derivation: the "Why?" mixture exceeds the "What next?" mixture. This is DERIVED from the model, not read off Table 5. The proof computes: Why: 1×27 + 91×82 + 8×100 + 1×74 + 0×9 + 0×50 = 8363 What next: 71×27 + 1×82 + 5×100 + 8×74 + 5×9 + 10×50 = 3636 and verifies 8363 > 3636. The direction follows from Explanation (Source-biased at 82%) dominating the Why mixture at 91%.
The computed mixtures are consistent with Table 5: Why → ~84% Source, What-next → ~36% Source (vs observed 82% and 34%). The small discrepancy is from integer rounding and the "Other" CR category.
Compute P(Subject | pronoun) via Bayes' rule (eq. 13). Takes P(Subject next-mentioned) from no-pronoun data and P(pronoun | position) from pronominalization rates. Result is a percentage (0–100).
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Eq. (13) derivation: active voice. From:
- P(Subject) = 59% (Table 7, no-pronoun, causal ref = subject)
- P(pronoun | Subject) = 62% (Table 9)
- P(pronoun | NonSubject) = 24% (Table 9) Bayes' rule yields: 62×59 / (62×59 + 24×41) = 3658/4642 ≈ 78%. The paper reports 81% (from unrounded data); the direction matches.
Eq. (13) derivation: passive voice. From:
- P(Subject) = 100 - 76 = 24% (Table 7: 76% mention causal ref, who is the NON-subject in passive)
- P(pronoun | Subject) = 87% (Table 9)
- P(pronoun | NonSubject) = 23% (Table 9) Bayes' rule yields: 87×24 / (87×24 + 23×76) = 2088/3836 ≈ 54%.
Central Bayesian prediction: Bayes' rule correctly derives that active > passive for P(Subject | pronoun), even though passive subjects are more likely to be pronominalized (87% vs 62%). The prior P(Subject) is much lower in passive (24% vs 59%), and this dominates. Production bias alone would predict passive > active; the Bayesian model correctly reverses this.
The two Goal-biased CRs (Occasion, Result) both focus on what happens AFTER the prior event. For transfer verbs, the endpoint is the Goal.
Explanation is Source-biased and selects for causes (backward causal). For transfer verbs, the Source/initiator is the cause. For IC verbs, the stimulus is the cause — this is the bridge to IC bias studies.
Key insight: the contiguity class does NOT uniformly predict bias. Occasion (18% Source) and Elaboration (98% Source) are both contiguity relations but have opposite biases. Occasion focuses on the END STATE (Goal); Elaboration redescribes the SAME EVENT (Source/initiator). The bias is determined by the specific relation, not the class.
Centering's CB and KR2013's topichood are not the same signal. #
K&R 2013 IS the Bayesian-Centering reconciliation paper. To make
that explicit at the type level, this section grounds the file's
`topichood`/`bayesianPrediction` apparatus in the
`Theories/Discourse/Centering/` substrate (`cb`, `cp`, `Rule1Gordon`),
showing precisely *what Centering does and does not capture* from
KR2013's empirical landscape.
The key dissociation (KR2013 §8, Table 9): under the standard
grammatical-role Cf ranking (`SUBJECT > OBJECT > OTHER`,
@cite{kameyama-1986}), the CB is **invariant under voice
manipulation** — both `(Amanda, SUBJ) (Brittany, OBJ)` and
`(Amanda, SUBJ) (Brittany, OTHER-by-phrase)` make Amanda the
most-preferred Cf. But KR2013's `topichood` distinguishes the
two cases: passive subject is `.strong`, active subject is
`.default_`. This is the formal content of "P(pronoun | referent)
tracks topichood, not subjecthood" (§8 p. 25).
The cross-paper claim landed here: **Centering's CB selection is a
necessary input to KR2013's production model but is not sufficient
to predict pronominalization rate**. The voice-induced gradient
that KR2013 measure (87% vs 62%) lives in the topichood signal,
not in the CB signal.
**Empirical complement** (post-2013 follow-up): the substrate-level
dissociation theorem `cb_topichood_dissociation_under_voice` below
is the structural reason why
`RosaArnold2017.independence_violated_bridges_to_KR`
(`Phenomena/Reference/Studies/RosaArnold2017.lean`) finds K&R's
Independence Hypothesis empirically *violatable*: because
`cb` cannot detect the voice manipulation, any pronominalization
asymmetry between active and passive subjects must be carried by a
signal external to Centering's `cb`/`cp` — Rosa & Arnold's
experiment provides one such asymmetry as a corpus measurement,
while §12 here exhibits the substrate-level mechanism.
Two referents in our toy KR2013 example: Amanda (subject across voice manipulations) and Brittany (object/by-phrase).
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Prior utterance "Amanda V'd Brittany": Amanda is SUBJ, Brittany is
OBJ. Forward-looking centers under Kameyama's role ranking are
[Amanda, Brittany] with Amanda as Cp.
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Active continuation "She V'd her" — Amanda still SUBJ, both pronouns.
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Passive continuation "Amanda was V'd by Brittany" — Amanda promoted to
SUBJ via the marked passive construction; Brittany now in by-phrase
(OTHER). The proposition is identical; only the construction differs.
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Cp of the prior utterance is Amanda (SUBJ outranks OBJ).
CB is invariant under voice manipulation. Both the active and
passive continuations have CB = Amanda, because Amanda is in
prev.cf and is realized in both. The grammatical-role ranker
cannot see voice — both subjects rank equally as .subject.
Both voice variants have CB = Amanda specifically.
KR2013's topichood IS voice-sensitive. The same subject-position
Amanda gets .strong topichood under passive marking but only
.default_ under active. This is the gradient that drives the
87% vs 62% pronominalization rate difference (Table 9).
The dissociation theorem: Centering's CB and KR2013's topichood
diverge on the voice manipulation. CB is the same in both cases
(Amanda); topichood differs (.strong vs .default_). The 25-pp
pronominalization gap KR2013 measure (Table 9) lives in the
topichood signal, not the CB signal — exactly KR2013 §8's
"P(pronoun | referent) tracks topichood, not subjecthood."
Rule 1 (Gordon) is satisfied in both voice variants because both Amanda-realizations are pronominal. The substrate-level Rule 1 constraint is voice-insensitive too — it only fires on whether the CB is a pronoun, not on what construction realized it.
KR2013's contribution is precisely to expose the gradient that
Rule 1's Bool-valued check averages over: among the utterances
that satisfy Rule 1 (Gordon), passive-subject ones use a pronoun
87% of the time while active-subject ones do so only 62% of the
time (Table 9). Rule 1 captures the qualitative pattern; the
Bayesian likelihood P(pronoun | referent) captures the
voice-conditioned production rate.
Centering as the qualitative skeleton of KR2013's likelihood.
Where Centering's Rule1Gordon says "the CB should be
pronominalized" (Bool), KR2013's likelihood P(pronoun | referent)
says "the CB is pronominalized at a rate proportional to its
topichood" (gradient). The Centering substrate provides the
which referent is the topic part; KR2013 provide the how
strongly part.
Numerically: the 87% / 62% / ~24% pronominalization rates from
Table 9 monotonically track the .strong / .default_ / .low
levels assigned by topichood.