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Linglib.Phenomena.Reference.Studies.KehlerRohde2013

@cite{kehler-rohde-2013} #

@cite{hobbs-1979} @cite{kehler-2002}

A Probabilistic Reconciliation of Coherence-Driven and Centering-Driven Theories of Pronoun Interpretation. Theoretical Linguistics 39(1-2), 1–37.

Core Argument #

Two theories make seemingly irreconcilable claims about pronoun interpretation. @cite{hobbs-1979}: it is a by-product of coherence establishment; grammatical form is irrelevant. Centering (Grosz, Joshi & Weinstein 1995): it is driven by information structure and grammatical roles; world knowledge is irrelevant.

The reconciliation is a Bayesian decomposition (eq. 13):

P(referent | pronoun) ∝ P(pronoun | referent) × P(referent)

The two terms have different conditioning:

Five experiments with transfer-of-possession verbs and IC verbs confirm that these two components are empirically dissociable.

Key Findings #

#FindingSection
1Imperfective → more Source interpretations than perfective§3
2Coherence relations strongly condition next-mention bias§4
3Shifting P(CR) via instructions shifts interpretation§5
4P(referent|CR) stable across conditions§6
5Pronoun prompt shifts CR distribution bidirectionally§7
6Voice affects next-mention but not pronominalization per position§8
7Passive subject → more pronominalization than active subject§8
8Bayesian predictions match actual interpretation biases§8
9Contiguity class splits: Occasion → Goal, Elaboration → Source§9

Independence Hypothesis #

P(pronoun | referent) is conditioned by topichood/subjecthood, while P(referent) is conditioned by coherence relations. These two components are independent: coherence-driven semantic biases affect next-mention but NOT pronominalization rate.

Prompt type in passage completion experiments.

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      Instruction condition (transfer-of-possession exps).

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          Eq. (9): coherence-marginalized next-mention bias.

          P(referent) = Σ_CR P(CR) × P(referent | CR)

          The prior probability of a referent being mentioned next is a mixture of CR-specific biases weighted by the prior over coherence relations. This is the coherence-driven "top-down" component.

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            Topichood level, determined by grammatical construction.

            Passive subjects signal stronger topichood than active subjects: using a marked construction to place an entity in subject position is a stronger indicator that the speaker treats it as the sentence topic (@cite{davison-1984}). This is the centering-driven "bottom-up" component of the model.

            The P(pronoun | referent) term in eq. (13) tracks this level, not grammatical role per se.

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                Table 1: Source interpretation rate by aspect. Imperfective focuses on ongoing event (Source still central); perfective focuses on end state (Goal = endpoint of transfer).

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                  Imperfective yields more Source interpretations than perfective.

                  Coherence relation frequency and bias data from Table 2 (perfective condition, transfer-of-possession verbs). "Violated Expectation" in the paper = CoherenceRelation.contrast.

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                    def KehlerRohde2013.instReprCRDatum.repr :
                    CRDatumStd.Format
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                      Occasion and Result are Goal-biased (Source < 50%).

                      Elaboration, Explanation, and Violated Expectation are Source-biased.

                      The overall ~57/43 Source/Goal split masks strong CR-conditioned biases. Occasion is most common (.38) and Goal-biased (.18 Source); Elaboration is second (.28) and strongly Source-biased (.98).

                      Instantiate the perfective-condition next-mention model with Table 2 data. Downstream study files can reference these CR biases.

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                        Table 3: "What happened next?" → Occasion-dominated; "Why?" → Explanation-dominated. Instructions shift P(CR) without changing the stimuli.

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                          Table 5: Source interpretation by instruction condition (perfective). Shifting P(CR) shifts P(referent), as predicted by eq. (9).

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                            The instruction effect is 48 pp on identical stimuli. No morphosyntactic heuristic can account for this.

                            Table 4: P(Source | CR) is stable across the original experiment and the instruction manipulation, supporting the structural claim that CR-conditioned biases are properties of the coherence relation itself, not the experimental context.

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                                Bias direction (above/below 50%) is preserved for all five CRs across conditions. P(CR) can shift independently of P(ref|CR).

                                Table 6: CR distribution by prompt type. The mere presence of an ambiguous pronoun shifts coherence expectations toward Source-biased relations. This bidirectionality — coreference affects coherence, not just vice versa — is predicted by Bayes (eq. 12) but not by Hobbs (pronouns are inert free variables) or Centering (does not model coherence).

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                                    Voice affects next-mention in pronoun condition: active (.77) vs passive (.42). Passivization moves the causally-implicated referent out of subject position — same proposition, different bias.

                                    In the no-pronoun condition the pattern reverses: passive (.76) > active (.59). By-phrases are optional in English, so their inclusion signals the referent will be re-mentioned.

                                    Voice affects coherence in pronoun condition: active produces more Explanations than passive. Since propositions are identical, this is mediated by the shift in pronominal reference — demonstrating bidirectional coherence–coreference dependency.

                                    Central topichood prediction: passive subjects are pronominalized more than active subjects (87% vs 62%).

                                    This is NOT explicable by grammatical role alone — both are subjects. It reflects the stronger topichood signal of the passive: using a marked syntactic form to place an entity in subject position is a stronger indicator of topic status. This is the key evidence that P(pronoun | referent) tracks TOPICHOOD, not subjecthood.

                                    Non-subject pronominalization is invariant across voice (24% vs 23%). At the same topichood level (low), the voice manipulation — which changes coherence expectations dramatically — has no effect on pronominalization rate. This is the Independence Hypothesis in action: P(pronoun | referent) does not depend on coherence-driven factors.

                                    Subjects are pronominalized more than non-subjects in both voices. This subject advantage is the centering-derived component.

                                    Topichood monotonically predicts pronominalization: strong (passive subject, 87%) > default (active subject, 62%)

                                    low (non-subject, ~24%).

                                    Bayesian predictions are directionally correct: active > passive in both predicted and actual biases.

                                    The passive prediction is highly accurate (59% vs 60%).

                                    Compute the coherence-marginalized Source bias from a NextMentionModel. This IS equation (9): P(Source) = Σ_CR P(CR) × P(Source | CR). Result is in basis points (×10000); divide by 100 for percentage.

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                                          Structural invariant: the two instruction models share the same CR-conditioned biases. The instruction manipulation changes P(CR) while holding P(ref|CR) constant. This is the structural content of Table 4.

                                          Eq. (9) derivation: the "Why?" mixture exceeds the "What next?" mixture. This is DERIVED from the model, not read off Table 5. The proof computes: Why: 1×27 + 91×82 + 8×100 + 1×74 + 0×9 + 0×50 = 8363 What next: 71×27 + 1×82 + 5×100 + 8×74 + 5×9 + 10×50 = 3636 and verifies 8363 > 3636. The direction follows from Explanation (Source-biased at 82%) dominating the Why mixture at 91%.

                                          The computed mixtures are consistent with Table 5: Why → ~84% Source, What-next → ~36% Source (vs observed 82% and 34%). The small discrepancy is from integer rounding and the "Other" CR category.

                                          def KehlerRohde2013.bayesianPrediction (pSubj pPronSubj pPronNonSubj : ) :

                                          Compute P(Subject | pronoun) via Bayes' rule (eq. 13). Takes P(Subject next-mentioned) from no-pronoun data and P(pronoun | position) from pronominalization rates. Result is a percentage (0–100).

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                                            Eq. (13) derivation: active voice. From:

                                            • P(Subject) = 59% (Table 7, no-pronoun, causal ref = subject)
                                            • P(pronoun | Subject) = 62% (Table 9)
                                            • P(pronoun | NonSubject) = 24% (Table 9) Bayes' rule yields: 62×59 / (62×59 + 24×41) = 3658/4642 ≈ 78%. The paper reports 81% (from unrounded data); the direction matches.

                                            Eq. (13) derivation: passive voice. From:

                                            • P(Subject) = 100 - 76 = 24% (Table 7: 76% mention causal ref, who is the NON-subject in passive)
                                            • P(pronoun | Subject) = 87% (Table 9)
                                            • P(pronoun | NonSubject) = 23% (Table 9) Bayes' rule yields: 87×24 / (87×24 + 23×76) = 2088/3836 ≈ 54%.

                                            Central Bayesian prediction: Bayes' rule correctly derives that active > passive for P(Subject | pronoun), even though passive subjects are more likely to be pronominalized (87% vs 62%). The prior P(Subject) is much lower in passive (24% vs 59%), and this dominates. Production bias alone would predict passive > active; the Bayesian model correctly reverses this.

                                            The two Goal-biased CRs (Occasion, Result) both focus on what happens AFTER the prior event. For transfer verbs, the endpoint is the Goal.

                                            Explanation is Source-biased and selects for causes (backward causal). For transfer verbs, the Source/initiator is the cause. For IC verbs, the stimulus is the cause — this is the bridge to IC bias studies.

                                            Key insight: the contiguity class does NOT uniformly predict bias. Occasion (18% Source) and Elaboration (98% Source) are both contiguity relations but have opposite biases. Occasion focuses on the END STATE (Goal); Elaboration redescribes the SAME EVENT (Source/initiator). The bias is determined by the specific relation, not the class.

                                            Centering's CB and KR2013's topichood are not the same signal. #

                                            K&R 2013 IS the Bayesian-Centering reconciliation paper. To make
                                            that explicit at the type level, this section grounds the file's
                                            `topichood`/`bayesianPrediction` apparatus in the
                                            `Theories/Discourse/Centering/` substrate (`cb`, `cp`, `Rule1Gordon`),
                                            showing precisely *what Centering does and does not capture* from
                                            KR2013's empirical landscape.
                                            
                                            The key dissociation (KR2013 §8, Table 9): under the standard
                                            grammatical-role Cf ranking (`SUBJECT > OBJECT > OTHER`,
                                            @cite{kameyama-1986}), the CB is **invariant under voice
                                            manipulation** — both `(Amanda, SUBJ) (Brittany, OBJ)` and
                                            `(Amanda, SUBJ) (Brittany, OTHER-by-phrase)` make Amanda the
                                            most-preferred Cf. But KR2013's `topichood` distinguishes the
                                            two cases: passive subject is `.strong`, active subject is
                                            `.default_`. This is the formal content of "P(pronoun | referent)
                                            tracks topichood, not subjecthood" (§8 p. 25).
                                            
                                            The cross-paper claim landed here: **Centering's CB selection is a
                                            necessary input to KR2013's production model but is not sufficient
                                            to predict pronominalization rate**. The voice-induced gradient
                                            that KR2013 measure (87% vs 62%) lives in the topichood signal,
                                            not in the CB signal.
                                            
                                            **Empirical complement** (post-2013 follow-up): the substrate-level
                                            dissociation theorem `cb_topichood_dissociation_under_voice` below
                                            is the structural reason why
                                            `RosaArnold2017.independence_violated_bridges_to_KR`
                                            (`Phenomena/Reference/Studies/RosaArnold2017.lean`) finds K&R's
                                            Independence Hypothesis empirically *violatable*: because
                                            `cb` cannot detect the voice manipulation, any pronominalization
                                            asymmetry between active and passive subjects must be carried by a
                                            signal external to Centering's `cb`/`cp` — Rosa & Arnold's
                                            experiment provides one such asymmetry as a corpus measurement,
                                            while §12 here exhibits the substrate-level mechanism. 
                                            

                                            Two referents in our toy KR2013 example: Amanda (subject across voice manipulations) and Brittany (object/by-phrase).

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                                              Prior utterance "Amanda V'd Brittany": Amanda is SUBJ, Brittany is OBJ. Forward-looking centers under Kameyama's role ranking are [Amanda, Brittany] with Amanda as Cp.

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                                                Active continuation "She V'd her" — Amanda still SUBJ, both pronouns.

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                                                  Passive continuation "Amanda was V'd by Brittany" — Amanda promoted to SUBJ via the marked passive construction; Brittany now in by-phrase (OTHER). The proposition is identical; only the construction differs.

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                                                    Cp of the prior utterance is Amanda (SUBJ outranks OBJ).

                                                    CB is invariant under voice manipulation. Both the active and passive continuations have CB = Amanda, because Amanda is in prev.cf and is realized in both. The grammatical-role ranker cannot see voice — both subjects rank equally as .subject.

                                                    KR2013's topichood IS voice-sensitive. The same subject-position Amanda gets .strong topichood under passive marking but only .default_ under active. This is the gradient that drives the 87% vs 62% pronominalization rate difference (Table 9).

                                                    The dissociation theorem: Centering's CB and KR2013's topichood diverge on the voice manipulation. CB is the same in both cases (Amanda); topichood differs (.strong vs .default_). The 25-pp pronominalization gap KR2013 measure (Table 9) lives in the topichood signal, not the CB signal — exactly KR2013 §8's "P(pronoun | referent) tracks topichood, not subjecthood."

                                                    Rule 1 (Gordon) is satisfied in both voice variants because both Amanda-realizations are pronominal. The substrate-level Rule 1 constraint is voice-insensitive too — it only fires on whether the CB is a pronoun, not on what construction realized it.

                                                    KR2013's contribution is precisely to expose the gradient that Rule 1's Bool-valued check averages over: among the utterances that satisfy Rule 1 (Gordon), passive-subject ones use a pronoun 87% of the time while active-subject ones do so only 62% of the time (Table 9). Rule 1 captures the qualitative pattern; the Bayesian likelihood P(pronoun | referent) captures the voice-conditioned production rate.

                                                    Centering as the qualitative skeleton of KR2013's likelihood. Where Centering's Rule1Gordon says "the CB should be pronominalized" (Bool), KR2013's likelihood P(pronoun | referent) says "the CB is pronominalized at a rate proportional to its topichood" (gradient). The Centering substrate provides the which referent is the topic part; KR2013 provide the how strongly part.

                                                    Numerically: the 87% / 62% / ~24% pronominalization rates from Table 9 monotonically track the .strong / .default_ / .low levels assigned by topichood.